terça-feira, 16 de junho de 2026

Observador - A gaiola das polémicas (Nuno Gonçalo Poças)

 


(sublinhados pessoais)

A gaiola das polémicas

Episódios que são o retrato fiel do que somos: um bando de saloios embrulhados numa bebedeira de positivismo legalista, de pacóvios que tremem de cada vez que surge alguém no redil com mais dinheiro.

Depois de uma pesquisa rápida no Google, deparei-me com várias. Há polémica na Casa do Secret Story e Liliana é o tema. A FIFA gerou polémica ao vetar o espanhol nas conferências do Mundial. O grupo musical Santamaria está impedido de tocar grande êxito, o que gerou, naturalmente, polémica. O vereador da CDU está envolvido em nova polémica por uso de carro da Câmara de Azambuja. António Pombeiro e Viegas Nunes serão ouvidos no Parlamento sobre a polémica do SIRESP. Houve polémica no Mundial: «Esta não é a Shakira, é uma sósia!». Há nova polémica no Mundial, agora com os hotéis. Kanye West celebrou o aniversário com um vídeo polémico protagonizado pela mulher. Já há solução para a realização do polémico jogo entre Irlanda e Israel. O polémico caso da Murtosa ficou por resolver? Auscultação pública sobre elevação da Póvoa do Lanhoso a cidade gera polémica política. Avenças em Resende geram polémica política. Polémica em Lisboa, com o PS a acusar Carlos Moedas de manter secretário-geral ilegalmente no cargo. Homenagem a Lula da Silva no Carnaval do Rio causou polémica. Os Bandidos do Cante falaram sobre a polémica com Israel. Nova estrutura da Câmara de Resende gera polémica política (algo se passa em Resende, assunto a que terei forçosamente de me dedicar logo que terminar este texto, e que agora até me parece mais interessante do que o assunto a que pretendo chegar e a que, tarde ou cedo, chegarei, não sem antes maçar o leitor com a curiosidade que agora Resende me deixou). Bom, polémicas sobejam, e era a duas delas, mais recentes e lamentavelmente mais lisboetas (na Estrela e na praia do Garrão, que é Lisboa em calções de banho), que me queria dedicar.

Não sei qual das duas polémicas chegou primeiro ao espaço público, mas para o caso a ordem é indiferente.

A primeira refere-se à discussão sobre a possibilidade de se colocarem chapéus de sol na praia em frente às áreas concessionadas. O Presidente da Agência Portuguesa do Ambiente e a ministra do Ambiente, convergiram na mensagem: impedir os banhistas de colocarem guarda-sóis particulares em frente às áreas concessionadas é um comportamento abusivo. Ergueu-se um belíssimo debate sobre este assunto que atingiu o clímax com gente semi-despida a falar com repórteres de televisão, exibindo já o seu guarda-sol devidamente instalado em frente a umas espreguiçadeiras, utilizadas suponho que por gente rica que pagou por elas, e que, talvez por isso mesmo, talvez merecesse mesmo acabar com o pauzinho do guarda-sol enfiado no peito; e não deixámos ainda a famosa polémica sem comentários da Associação Portuguesa de Defesa do Consumidor, que rapidamente se colocou ao lado da APA e do Governo, não deixando de alertar para a miríade de multas a que está sujeito quem, podendo instalar o seu guarda-sol em frente aos coqueiros das concessionárias, se podia esquecer de que a selvajaria é ilegal, pelo que não é possível ouvir música através de colunas portáteis de forma a perturbar outros utilizadores (coimas entre 200 e 4.000 euros), não se pode praticar desporto fora das zonas autorizadas ou levar animais a praias onde não são permitidos (coimas até 550 euros), nem se pode fazer circular ou estacionar veículos motorizados pela praia (coimas entre 250 e 2.500 euros); e acabou, por fim, com a sugestão ministerial de que se fizesse um desenhinho à entrada de cada praia, para que cada um soubesse onde pode e não pode fazer o quê.

A segunda polémica refere-se ao quiosque do jardim da Estrela. Na rede social de Elon Musk, Pedro Marques Lopes afirmou que «Neste espaço no Jardim da Estrela havia uma esplanada com um café, onde gente conversava e jogava às cartas. Agora está um restaurante de luxo, com dois carros de luxo na frente. É um bom exemplo do que Carlos Moedas quer para a cidade.» Evidentemente, o Bloco de Esquerda já anteriormente tinha questionado o presidente da Câmara sobre possíveis alterações na concessão do quiosque e, descobrindo-se o atentado, a vereadora dos bloquistas exigiu explicações, invocando que a instalação de um restaurante de luxo afronta a ideia de jardim público enquanto espaço para convivência e lazer, devendo a sua utilização privilegiar o acesso universal, livre e não discriminatório por parte da população.

Suspiro.

Apetecia-me discorrer largamente sobre a famosa inveja nacional, sobre aquela ideia de que em Portugal o habitual é alguém ver o vizinho com um carro melhor e acabar não a desejar ter um carro igual, mas sonhando com o dia em que o vizinho fique sem o carro. Eventualmente salientar que aquele quiosque alegadamente acessível nunca o foi. Não vale a pena. Não vou convencer ninguém, estes dois episódios não são sequer verdadeiras polémicas. São o retrato fiel do que somos: um bando de saloios embrulhados numa bebedeira de positivismo legalista, que descura práticas de usos e costumes, um aglomerado urbanita de pacóvios que treme de cada vez que surge alguém no redil com mais dinheiro na bolsa. Talvez por isso as elites políticas, culturais, intelectuais, até mesmo financeiras, deste país sejam quem anda há anos a tentar convencer-nos de que quando chega um francês com dinheiro à Estrela, a cidade está em acelerada gentrificação, mas se chegar 1 milhão de desgraçados e mal pagos aos bairros onde a elite lisboeta sempre desprezou viver, isso passa a ser desenvolvimento cultural.

Entre polémicas que não o são, o que fica deste retrato é que Portugal é este território semi-ocupado onde prevalece a incapacidade de olhar para um rico como uma pessoa normal. Ou é definitivamente um explorador ou é um modelo indiscutível de sucesso. Nunca é apenas um cidadão que tem mais dinheiro. Da mesma forma, o pobre continua a ser tratado ora como vítima sagrada e irrecuperável, ora como problema social para cima do qual se atira dinheiro e ao qual se compram votos. Nunca como um ser humano completo. E fica ainda a certeza absoluta e inquestionável de que não há alma que não sinta um prazer imenso em exibir um certo sentimento de vingança social por quem pode pagar mais, nem há burguês lisboeta que não se sinta afinal um trambolho quando perde a possibilidade de frequentar os seus espaços de sempre, que já eram caros e inacessíveis à maioria dos transeuntes, e os perde para uma concorrência social de valor mais elevado. Tal como, por outro lado, não perde uma oportunidade para lamentar aqueles espaços que eram tão seus, como o Algarve, para onde se ia usufruir de praias desertas, com um rebanho de criadas atrás, vendo casinhas caiadas com dez filhos lá dentro a contar os dentes que tinham na boca, e que agora estão, desgraçadamente, cheias de gente sem maneiras, que come em buffets como quem tem a ilusão da abastança e pica melancias com um garfo embrulhado em guardanapos de papel.

Pelo meio, parecemos todos esquecidos de que a dignidade das pessoas não se mede pelo que tem no bolso, pelo que pode pagar, que não somos apenas o que temos. É possível que esta evidência nunca tenha sido sequer definitivamente instalada na psique colectiva, nem mesmo neste país que foi governado por uma ditadura durante meio século e que sofre de um viés de esquerda há outro meio século e que, afinal, nos brinda sempre que pode com a sua própria apologia da pobreza, já não apenas glorificada, como a de Salazar, mas também vingativa, como a dos incapazes, e que segue assim, de polémica em polémica, até ao ridículo final.


segunda-feira, 15 de junho de 2026

The Spectator - HS2 is a national scandal

 (enviado a JSS) Espero que estejam ok.


Quando puderes e te lembrares, manda-me sites de universidades da "tua outra terra”, em que se discute, a sério, outros temas, sejam eles de engenharia ou de política.

Abraço


(personal underlines) - Lá como cá...

HS2 is a national scandal

The HS2 Bromford Tunnel (Image: Getty)

HS2 has never had the attention it needs and the scrutiny its scale demands. This is Britain’s largest infrastructure project, dwarfing the Channel Tunnel by a factor of around ten in terms of the cost and yet it has been allowed to bumble along as if it were the construction a little branch line to a Suffolk village.

Ministers come and go, civil servants stick their heads in the sand and the media gets bored with the story apart from covering protestors digging themselves under Euston or living in trees.

Now there is a brief focus on the scheme with the ‘reset’ which has been 18 months in gestation but I suspect that the project, which is costing taxpayers £7 billion every year, will again retreat back to the shadows. It shouldn’t this is a national scandal and disgrace and deserves far more attention than it gets.

Despite having covered this story since the construction of the line was first announced in 2009, the ‘reset’ revealed this week by Heidi Alexander tests my credulity.  I think it helps to set out the estimated cost in real numbers, as a ‘billion’ is still a nebulous concept. So Alexander announced the likely costs would be £102,700,000,000. Actually, my sources inside the scheme say that is a gross underestimate as it does not include the rolling stock, the depots and various other associated costs. Let’s call it £110,000,000,000.

But even taking Ms Alexander’s figure that is, give or take a few bob, £1,500 for every person in the country. For a 135-mile line that duplicates two other railways between London and Birmingham. Robert Stephenson who built the first one in the 1830s would be appalled.

Then there is the timeline. We are now told the line will not open until 2036 at the earliest, a mere ten years after the initial date. Probably that is being optimistic since she gave a range of dates stretching to 2039. That’s because Mark Wild, the new CEO, is a cautious fellow who, when in 2019 given the task of finishing Crossrail which had fallen behind schedule, refused to be committed to any precise completion date until very near its eventual opening in May 2022.

That project, which is now the very successful Elizabeth Line, was much criticised for being three and a half years late and at £19 billion, a mere 30 per cent above budget. How Wild would love to be in that situation. HS2 is currently set to cost at least three times its original estimate. And remember that estimate of £32.7 billion – admittedly at 2011 prices – was for the whole Y shaped HS2 to Leeds and Manchester, not the truncated version which I have dubbed the Acton to Aston shuttle, connecting Old Oak Common, five rather inaccessible miles by road from central London, with Birmingham Curzon Street, a mile away from the city’s main station, New Street.

Euston will not be reached, Alexander admitted, until the mid 2040s, although the tunnel boring machines are on their way there from Old Oak Common and due to emerge in a year’s time. As for the connection with Manchester, that simply ain’t going to happen and Leeds is an even more distant dream.

Alexander’s statement was accompanied by the publication of a very revealing assessment of the governance of the project by Sir Stephen Lovegrove who focused on the role of the civil service and of HS2 Ltd the company created to manage the project. His analysis uncovers a series of failings by both the board and the Department for Transport’s civil servants, in particular over the soaring costs of the project. The board, far from scrutinising why costs had soared, instead, according to Lovegrove, proselytised for the scheme: ‘the Board focused more on advocacy for high‑speed rail and maintaining visible progress on the programme rather than on rigorous delivery within the cost envelope’. As for the auditors, HS2 relied on the Government’s Internal Audit Agency (GIAA) which not only failed to provide Lovegrove with a full list of audits it had carried out but did not have the requisite skills to cope with such a large project which was, as he puts it, ‘beyond the capabilities of the GIAA to address’.

Given all this, and the well-rehearsed arguments about a scheme that had no clear remit, suffered from politically-motivated changes resulting in a ten mile tunnel under the Chiltern hills, and received insufficient scrutiny, it is still impossible to understand how come it needs another ten years and some £40-50 billion more to be spent on it. Ever those figures are vague estimates rather than real commitments.

Surely it should be possible to tell us when the damn thing will be finished and how much it will cost. Mark Wild has taken 18 months to produce his reset, which was expected to be issued last December, and still we do not have this level of detail.

Of course, the cheapest and quickest way to finish the project would be to do it quickly. But here I suspect the malign role of the Treasury is involved. The Treasury, rather understandably, does not trust the railways but worse does not really believe in them – seeing rail not as a vital part of the nation’s infrastructure but rather a bottomless money pit. This hostility means there is a lack of trust that ironically results in extra costs because of scrutiny of every detail but no overall assessment of the long-term overall costs.

Ms Alexander was quick to blame the previous Tory administration for the overspend and delay, and there is some truth in that. In Sally Gimson’s excellent book on the HS2 debacle published last year, she highlights the fact that only one of the many rail and transport ministers during their various administrations, Andrew Stephenson, took a concerted and detailed interest in the project. The rest just seemed to agree to the huge sums being spent without scrutiny or questioning why costs were soaring. 

However, one could also ask why it has taken 18 months to issue this reset and why Keir Starmer has shown no interest in the project despite its budget of £7 billion per year and the fact that a key part of it, the terminus at Euston Station is in his constituency. Last summer I met him at a social gathering and bearded him about Euston, informing him that my contacts there said that Labour was haemorrhaging votes over the chaos around the station. He responded to my warning with a dismissive ‘it’s all in hand’, something I knew was not true and, indeed, remains so since no plan for the new Euston station exists. Two proposed plans have been rejected as too expensive.

We need to hear from Starmer about what is going to happen at Euston and how he intends to improve the management of this out of control project. Otherwise Labour will have to share part of the blame for its failings.

Christian Wolmar’s book on high speed railways across the world, Fasts Track, will be published on July 23

Desporto - Remo (Fernando Pimenta)

 


Fernando Pimenta sagra-se tricampeão europeu de K1 5.000

LBC
Ora aqui está mais um exemplo de quem merece ser falado e elogiado!
Pena não ter o reconhecimento que merece.
Lamentável ter apenas, neste momento em que o leio, seis comentários, enquanto que noutros locais há gente a vituperar e ofender tudo e todos.
Pena também ter esta pequena notícia, enquanto que o futebol, o "ópio dos tontos", ter muitos mais.
Como eu gosto de me citar: "uma espécie em extinção".
Parabéns!

Observador - João Pedro George e a gente branca (João Pedro Marques)

 


LBC - "Ainda há gente que se aproveita". (Farto-me de me citar!) O gozo que me dá ler um texto tão bem escrito como este, augura um dia bom. Como é que ainda há gente como este tal João Pedro George? E como é que ainda tem cara - e mão! -, para responder a JPM? É que um texto destes liquida, mas sobretudo ridiculariza, quem tem o assomo de retorquir o que quer que seja. A preocupação que JPM tem em evidenciar (que conceito terá este verbo para o tal JPJ?...) e fundamentar o que escreve, inibiria qualquer (candidato a ) marçano escrevente a pensar duas vezes (...) antes de se atrever a isso. Enfim, tempos difíceis.

Admiro a paciência de santo de pessoas como JPM em dignar-se responder a quem obviamente não merece. Pergunta: quem seria JPJ, se não tivesse este palco?


João Pedro George e a gente branca

Não me recordo de ter visto pessoas como Anizabela Amaral, Mamadou Ba, Pedro Schacht, Joacine Katar Moreira, Sandra Urceira e muitos, muitos outros activistas woke acusarem um negro de racismo.

No meu último artigo apelei aos deputados a que olhassem com muito cuidado para a proposta de alteração do Código Penal que, entre outras coisas, visava criminalizar discursos tidos por racistas — proposta entretanto rejeitada, felizmente, porque PSD, Iniciativa Liberal, Chega e CDS votaram em bloco contra ela. Mas voltemos ao meu artigo. Ao lê-lo, o sociólogo, crítico literário e psicanalista amador João Pedro George julgou descortinar no que escrevi aquilo a que chamou um “lapso freudiano” e deu conta disso no seu Facebook. Aí, para dar-se ares de pessoa muito inteligente e profunda, George fez aquilo a que os anglo-saxónicos chamam overinterpretation, isto é, tentou encontrar significados escondidos, inconscientes, em tudo e mais um par de botas, coisa que manifestamente gosta de fazer e que é muito apreciada e aplaudida na nossa esquerda académica (onde, como é sabido, só há pessoas muito inteligentes, profundas e versadas em psicanálise).

Começando por sugerir que eu talvez gostasse de ser membro do Ku Klux Klan, João Pedro George seleccionou a seguinte passagem do meu último artigo: “O combate ao racismo é uma coisa louvável e desejável, mas é um perigo pôr na mão de pessoas como Anizabela Amaral, Samuel Alfredo Gomes (também conhecido como Samuel Yoffa Namaba) e seus amigos do SOS Racismo, um articulado que lhes permita perseguir judicialmente gente branca apenas porque exprime ideias com as quais não concordam”. Dessa passagem George fez ressaltar a expressão “gente branca” — seria esse o tal “lapso freudiano” — e perguntou de forma retórica, mas acusatória, o seguinte: “haverá afirmação mais racista que esta?”. Porém, como fraco psicanalista que é, em vez de nos deixar pensar um pouco sobre o assunto, deu ele mesmo a resposta: “João Pedro Marques tem medo que a proposta de alteração, a ser aprovada, sirva para o perseguir a ele judicialmente (e a outros cronistas brancos). Ou melhor: JPM considera que a lei comporta o risco de os brancos virem a ser constituídos arguidos (quando agora se limitam a pagar uma multa), limitando a sua liberdade de escreverem o que bem entenderem. Mais estranho do que isso é imaginar uma lei criminal que possa assentar numa distinção das cores da pele. (…) Mas enfim, como a maior parte dos racistas são brancos, compreende-se que JPM não consiga domesticar o seu medo, nem os seus preconceitos raciais (que se manifestam em deslizes ou lapsos como este)”.

Estas acusações de racismo dirigidas a mim e aos brancos em geral são frequentíssimas e só vêm confirmar a razão de ser do meu anterior artigo. Mas essa confirmação não deve impedir-nos de notar que este psicanalista de vão de escada continua a enganar-se tão redondamente como já se havia enganado quando descobriu três negras voluptuosas e ávidas de sexo num romance meu em que só há brancas. Qualquer pessoa que me leia — e George deveria tê-lo feito se queria escrever sobre mim — perceberá que não tenho qualquer medo de que os meus escritos sejam considerados racistas. Já escrevi sete livros de História, dois dos quais publicados em Inglaterra e nos Estados Unidos, muitos textos científicos, dez romances e 250 artigos de opinião na imprensa, artigos esses que estão, na sua grande maioria, reunidos em três livros acessíveis a qualquer pessoa. Se houvesse alguma pinga de racismo nesses meus escritos há muito que eu teria sido levado a tribunal porque muitos activistas — Anizabela Amaral, da SOS Racismo, por exemplo — acalentam com fervor esse desejo. Sucede que não há essa pinga. Eu não critico em função da cor da pele ou da origem nacional ou geográfica dos criticados. Não considero que exista uma hierarquia de raças, que as pessoas tenham necessariamente certas características em função da raça a que pertencem ou que negros e brancos estejam em planos diferentes. Critico ideias, critico projectos, combato o wokismo tanto quanto posso e sei, tento corrigir erros e ignorâncias, seja qual for a epiderme dos errados e ignorantes. Toda a gente o sabe porque tudo isso está publicado e é visível. Mas se João Pedro George quiser fazer a contabilidade exaustiva — do que duvido, atendendo ao seu apressado método de leitura — verá que, tudo somado, critiquei mais wokistas brancos do que negros, e fi-lo de uma forma uniformemente incisiva.

A suposição de que eu me insurjo contra a proposta de alteração do Código Penal por ter medo de vir a ser condenado pelo que escrevo é, portanto, mais uma interpretação falhada deste inábil aspirante a Sigmund Freud. Mas passemos adiante porque George julga que ainda tem na mão o ás de trunfo da argumentação, ou seja, o facto de eu ter usado a expressão “perseguir judicialmente gente branca”. De facto, porque é que, no meu artigo, me referi a “gente branca”? Será porque sou racista, como George & amigos adorariam que eu fosse, ou apenas porque sou uma pessoa que estuda os assuntos? É que tendo eu de há muito um interesse na ideologia justiceira e reparacionista a que hoje em dia chamamos wokismo, sigo e registo as suas manifestações públicas em Portugal desde pelo menos Abril de 2017. Quando falo em manifestações públicas refiro-me aos artigos de opinião ou outros e às entrevistas, intervenções no Facebook e no Twitter (depois X) de várias dezenas de activistas woke e aparentados. E o que tenho verificado ao longo destes anos de investigação é que a acusação de racismo está única e exclusivamente virada contra brancos. Não me recordo de ter visto pessoas como Anizabela Amaral, Mamadou Ba, Pedro Schacht, Joacine Katar Moreira, Sandra Urceira e muitos, muitos outros activistas woke acusarem um negro de racismo. Mais. Por norma essas pessoas recusam a ideia de que um negro possa ser racista. Para elas o racismo é uma característica exclusiva dos brancos e relacionada com o seu domínio colonial.

Pode dar-se o caso de que João Pedro George saiba mais do que eu e que me consiga corrigir com vários e esclarecedores exemplos de casos em que negros foram acusados pelos activistas woke de serem racistas. Mas enquanto essa hipotética demonstração por parte do crítico literário J. P. George não chega, eu reafirmo o que escrevi: a proposta de alteração do Código Penal cozinhada por Anizabela Amaral e outros activistas, e assinada depois por milhares de pessoas, tinha inevitavelmente um alvo potencial e esse alvo era a gente branca. Pessoas como Fátima Bonifácio, por exemplo, contra a qual, aliás, o SOS Racismo apresentou queixa-crime. A quantos negros terá o SOS Racismo feito o mesmo? Por que razão não actuou quando gente woke veio para as redes sociais insultar Jorge Costa, o ex-jogador do FC Porto, no próprio dia da sua morte, chamando-lhe “racista”? Pior. Por que razão, nessa ocasião, a actual dirigente do SOS Racismo, Anizabela Amaral, em vez de condenar tão odiosa conduta, veio apoiá-la e, ainda por cima, ajudar à festa de ódio àquele branco partilhando a capa de uma revista sensasionalista em que se dizia que Jorge Costa estava a “ser acusado de espancar a mulher”, omitindo (ou desconhecendo) que a referida mulher do ex-jogador fizera questão de deixar claro publicamente que ele não a agredira?

Estou certo de que o privilegiado cérebro de João Pedro George irá arquitectar uma interessantíssima resposta freudiana para estes enigmas. Mas, repito, enquanto essa resposta não chega — e como é improvável que, chegando, seja sólida e persuasiva — eu continuarei convencido de que a proposta de alteração ao Código Penal, atendendo a quem mais a promoveu, visava a gente branca. Aliás, isso mesmo foi explicado directamente a João Pedro George, no seu mural de Facebook, por um dos seus amigos. Com a impante arrogância e a linguagem rasteira com que muitos destes novos “cientistas sociais” abordam as coisas e os outros, Simone Tulumello — pois é desse investigador do ICS que se trata —, depois de me chamar “obtuso” e, claro está, “racista”, explicou a George que, no fundo, eu tenho razão porque o racismo “é por definição uma forma de discriminação de pessoas não-brancas — etnofobia e racismo são duas coisas histórica e estruturalmente diferentes”. E após uma alusão a problemas estruturais na utilização das leis, Tulumello concluiu afirmando que “a criminalização do racismo é uma das coisas mais erradas a que pode apontar o movimento antirracista”.

Ou seja, a expressão “gente branca” que eu utilizei tinha e tem toda a razão de ser, e o ás de trunfo que o meu analista crítico julgava ter na mão revelou ser, no fim de contas, um mísero dois de copas, tão fraquinho que nem dá para aguentar o bluff, o faz de conta psicanalítico, de que J. P. George tanto gosta.

PUB • MAIS CONTEÚDO OBSERVADOR A SEGUIR

domingo, 14 de junho de 2026

The Spectator- Weight-loss drugs killed my appetite for life

 



(personal underlines)

Weight-loss drugs killed my appetite for life

Sam Altman, the co-founder of OpenAI, which launched ChatGPT, is not overweight. Gay tech billionaires rarely are. Even so, as he explained in a recent interview, he was keen to try a GLP-1, one of those drugs that have revolutionised weight loss in the past five years. You can understand why he was curious. Ozempic or Mounjaro might appear to have nothing in common with artificial intelligence, but both phenomena have created a sensation that we’re entering an era of accelerating and uncontrollable change.

Alas, he screwed it up. He had someone inject him with a megadose, puked all night and then lay in bed for days ‘staring at a white ceiling thinking nothing’, not only feeling no urge to eat but also no ‘desire for anything’.

When I read that on X, I knew exactly how Altman felt, or didn’t feel. In a few months I’ve lost three stone on Mounjaro. Now, I’m aware that journalists’ accounts of their weight-loss journeys could qualify for the World Boring Championships imagined by the satirist Michael Wharton in his ‘Peter Simple’ Telegraph column (suggested topics: ‘A history of plywood’ and ‘Parking problems in Wolverhampton’). So I’ll keep it brief.

This is the second time my weight has dropped from 14 to 11 stone. The first time was when I was 20. Thanks to a diet supervised by my mother, for the only time in my life girls hit on ‘Porky’ Thompson; my popularity soared, which told me a lot about how intensely people dislike fatness, even if they don’t say so. Four decades later, friends and colleagues scarcely notice – which speaks volumes about attitudes to old people; if they’re thinner, it will just make life easier for the pallbearers.

Never mind. Running for the bus is suddenly as easy as it was decades ago. But – and this is the key point – only on the rare occasions when I can be bothered to go anywhere. I could give Altman lessons in staring at ceilings thinking nothing. I can even out-stare my deaf white cat Moira, who spends hours scrutinising the same patch of wallpaper.

I’ve been a martyr to pathological laziness since I was in the pram. Like Donald Trump, I maintain that ‘talking is a form of exercise’ and leave it at that. From time to time I torment myself by reading the dust-jacket of a book published in 1996 – ‘the debut of a promising new writer’. That was me. The promise wasn’t fulfilled because if there’s one thing I can’t bear it’s writing. To quote another American president: ‘They say hard work never killed anyone, but I figured: why take the chance?’ That was Reagan, who didn’t allow cabinet meetings to disturb his schedule of afternoon soap operas.

And then, late in life, I discovered Mounjaro. The weight fell off and I fell into bed. Several times a day. For the first time ever, I lost interest in listening to music. Buying the 41-disc boxed set of remastered Antal Dorati Haydn recordings was no problem: Amazon’s one-click purchasing works perfectly well from a horizontal position. Listening to them? Some other time.

I asked my friend Dr Max Pemberton, an NHS psychiatrist who is also a writer of genius, what was going on. ‘It makes perfect sense to me,’ he said. Max knows that I have a long history of addiction to alcohol and psychotropic prescription drugs. I haven’t touched the former since 1994, and the latter since… well, if I’m being honest, about eight o’clock this morning, when I started writing this piece. But I’ll get to that shortly.

Max explained that GLP-1s have a profound effect on reward regions of the brain that goes far beyond suppressing appetite, and that this effect is likely to be magnified in someone like me whose neural reward pathways have been overstimulated for decades. Even the harmless thrill of listening to Haydn’s ‘Military’ symphony is reduced. Thankfully the music problem seems to have sorted itself out, but the enhanced laziness still dogs me. It’s a miracle I can be bothered to write these words – and that miracle, I’m embarrassed to admit, comes in the form of a lozenge-shaped pill.

Modafinil is a stimulant drug that increases dopamine levels without the adverse effects of classical stimulants such as amphetamine or cocaine. What it does do is increase motivation and powers of concentration as reliably as Mounjaro reduces ‘food noise’. This one did work for Altman. ‘Man, do you get a productivity boost,’ he told an interviewer.

Since Silicon Valley is awash with modafinil and other cognitive enhancers, it’s likely that the accelerated development of artificial intelligence has been boosted by these drugs. There’s no way of proving that, of course. But what we do know is that there’s a blossoming relationship between AI and the development of drugs which affect mood, perception and behaviour. According to Scientific American, ‘researchers have used the protein-structure-prediction tool AlphaFold to identify hundreds of thousands of potential new psychedelic molecules which could help develop new kinds of antidepressants’. But why should they stop at antidepressants?

Let the cognitive games begin. Or, in my case, wind down. The dopamine produced by my 200mg of modafinil is fast running out. It’s time to drag my slim body back to the bedroom, where there’s a deliciously empty white ceiling waiting to be stared at.

Reflexão - LBC Tempos difíceis! (Pinto da Costa)

LBC - Estranho! Muito estranho... 


Pinto da Costa tinha mais de 70 contas em Portugal. E parte foi esvaziada antes de morrer, diz filho em queixa-crime




The Spectator - Can the chaps in chaps smash fascism?

 


(personal underline)

Can the chaps in chaps smash fascism?

I have spent a small portion of the past week wondering what I would do if I thought communists were about to take over our country. At the more civil end of things, I could see myself going on an anti-communist protest, though I would shrink away if I noticed that my fellow marchers were flying swastikas. I don’t exactly know what I would do next. Perhaps I would hope for another election soon, and do what I could to unite other anti-communists.

One thing I am fairly sure I would not do would be to dance. In fact, were this country facing the prospect of Stalinism coming at us full force, the last thing I would do would be to get a DJ, book a stage in Trafalgar Square, hire some go-go dancers and rave it up.

The point only needs noting because last weekend in London there was a large protest to oppose the ‘far right’. The organisers (called the ‘Together Alliance’) claimed that 500,000 people turned out. The police said the numbers were more like 50,000.

‘Your Party’ was in attendance, as was the Green party. Various Labour MPs also attended, as did a range of celebrities. These included Sir Lenny Henry, who seems to be increasingly aggrieved of late at how little this country has done for him and how much it apparently still owes him.

The usual trade unions were there, as were the Palestinian flag wavers and a host of people waving the hammer and sickle. One attendee – interviewed by the BBC – was Steve Tribble, who had apparently travelled from Stroud to stand up to fascism. Tribble arrived at the march with what he called a ‘radical left-wing band’ of musicians. He said that he had felt duty-bound to attend because ‘I understand that populism is spreading all over the world and that people are trying to look for scapegoats. They’re angry. But we’re worried. That’s why we’re here.’

If he was worried about populists looking for scapegoats, Tribble must have been disturbed by what happened on the main stage. Because all these people eventually congregated in Trafalgar Square, where they were treated to a video message from the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan. Also an appearance by Green party leader Zack Polanski and his newest MP, Hannah Spencer. Among other things the latter two characters led chants against that great bogeyman of the Green party: ‘billionaires’.

After her by-election win in February, Ms Spencer told her audience that there is presently a big problem for the British people. ‘Instead of working for a nice life, we’re working to line the pockets of billionaires. We are being bled dry.’

I don’t know which billionaires Spencer thinks she and the rest of us are all working for, or quite how they are ‘bleeding us dry’. That sounds like some pretty ‘populist’ rhetoric right there. But if Spencer had eyes to see or ears to hear she might have noticed that the creation and retention of billionaires is not something that Britain has lately excelled at. In fact the Labour government has developed a very clever policy of chasing any remaining billionaires out of the country. Yet Spencer once again whipped up the crowd of largely white, middle-class leftists into a chant against this great bogeyman, as well as against that greatest bogeyman of all: the far right.

Still, it was the dancing that has stuck with me. Because the culmination of the afternoon’s proceedings saw Polanski and Spencer jiving onstage to a DJ, surrounded bydrag queens and a couple of go-go boys wearing leather jockstraps. Spencer and Polanski made a big shout-out not just against the ‘far right’ and billionaires but in support of the ‘LGBTQ’ community.

Perhaps by this hour the Palestine marchers had decided this wasn’t quite their vibe. Certainly it was hard to spot a mullah or big bearded Islamist grinding onstage alongside the chaps in chaps. I don’t know why that is. Maybe their train was leaving Charing Cross slightly earlier than the others.

Meanwhile, the Labour MP Stella Creasy seemed to be among those who thought that dancing was the best response to the rise of Reform. She posted on social media that the fact the crowd in Trafalgar Square was at one point dancing to Marvin Gaye was a particular poke in the eye to Rupert Lowe MP.

Later that evening Creasy – who has the remarkable ability to be superficial and supercilious at the same time – posted another video of her dancing. This time on her own at a silent disco. ‘Heh we just keep dancing in London,’ she wrote on X, followed by a laughing face emoji.

I’m not sure whom Creasy thinks she is ‘owning’ with such gestures. She, Polanski and others seem to be under the impression that everybody to their political right loathes music or any act of bodily swaying. Perhaps they imagine that, during the looming Reich, music and dancing will be verboten. In truth, the only people for whom such things may be genuinely haram are some of the Palestine supporters who had been with them in the earlier part of the day. If Creasy thinks Nigel Farage and Lowe are against women dancing, wait till she meets the Wahhabis.

Unserious people should probably just not be treated seriously. As I have mentioned, if there were a looming threat of totalitarian fascism in this country, this is not the way any serious person would behave. If I thought that a movement far to Labour’s left was about to take over British politics, I would do many things. But again, gyrating to Marvin Gaye, and then bopping around to ‘I keep dancing on my own’, would not be among my priorities.

So I suppose there is a question that must be posed to Khan, Creasy, Polanski and co. If the threat they pretend to oppose were real, would they behave like this? Or, to pose the question in the words of Marvin Gaye: ‘What’s going on?’


The Spectator - Our local nudists are running wild

 

(personal underlines)

Our local nudists are running wild

It was midnight, more or less, and my middle daughter, Magdalena, 18, said with all the untroubled bravado of youth: ‘Let’s go and find il rospo!’

She was at the wheel of the Land Rover Defender and we were involved in a nocturnal driving lesson. Rospo is Italian for toad. And if you say ‘Dio Rospo’ (‘Toad God’), that’s blasphemy, so as a good Catholic she doesn’t, whereas, as a bad one, I do because it is funny, as God would surely agree.

Il rospo’ is our family nickname for the fat man with the eyes of a dead person who emerges after dark in the village thanks to the theft of part of our beautiful beach by highly trained nudists. Nudism, whatever holier-than-thou nudists claim, involves creatures like il rospo and one of their favourite extra-curricular activities, as I’ve said before, is dogging.

Normally, il rospo parks his big white 4×4 to watch and wait at the start of the narrow little road, running parallel to the dense pine forest next to the sea, where all the action takes place. We wanted to give him the middle finger on behalf of the living. Tonight, however, there was no sign of him there.

Driving with Magdalena can be pretty hairy. The other day she broke the Defender’s front differential when she changed from second into first instead of up to third.

So I told Magdalena to take it easy as we proceeded along Cato Street into the heart of darkness. The little road is unlit, hardly wide enough to swing a cat and full of humps caused by the roots of the pine trees. It peters out into a dirt track and stops at an iron bar gate, after which there are fields and more forest. A small pack of wolves lives somewhere beyond. We sometimes hear them howling.

We drove on slowly, passing half a dozen or so parked cars with solitary men inside them. But not his. Would we find him waiting for us at the end of the road?

Soon we saw in our wing mirrors a pair of ominous headlights following us. When we arrived at the gate there was no one there. Was this him behind us? We waited, adrenalin pumping in the silence.

The other vehicle at last drew up next to us on my side. But it was a small white car, maybe a Renault Twingo, not a big 4×4. Crammed inside, hunched manfully over the wheel, was a peroxide–blond transsexual in a leopard skin top.

As an opening gambit, I slid down my electric window. The transsexual scowled at us, and with difficulty turned his car around and disappeared. Perhaps it was my ‘Comandante Che’ beret that had done the trick, or else my face had acted like a gargoyle.

Magdalena then did a remarkably smooth multi-point turn to extract the Defender from our cul-de-sac situation. This was quite an achievement as it is a seven-seater.

‘Were you scared?’ I asked her.

‘Not with you there,’ she replied, which made me feel like a fraud.

Earlier that day Magdalena had played her viola at a wedding in church while I had gone to find the victim of a member of a similar nudist subspecies as that of il rospo. She had posted a video online in which she bravely gave her name and showed her face and spoke about what had happened.

I went to see Giada, 26, in the restaurant she runs with her mother in the next village to ours. One morning recently she was doing meditation, fully clothed, in the dunes above a normal beach, when a man came and sat down a few yards away and started to masturbate. She whipped out her mobile phone and began shouting and filming him and he did a runner. She did not manage to get his face on film. ‘When I shared the post, many women replied to say it happens all the time,’ she said. ‘But we must speak out. He knows who I am, but I am not scared.’

In her video, Giada also urges women to carry a pepper spray, ‘not in your bag but clipped to your belt or in your pocket so it’s ready’, and demonstrates how to use it like a pistol. She then takes off her baseball hat and comes right up to the camera to address her attacker: ‘Sorry if I scared you, but women today are not afraid.’

I have a confession to make. Years ago, before our children were born, I too sometimes used to go to the nudist beach with my wife, Carla. And a similar thing happened to us in 2003, which I even wrote about in The Spectator: ‘I have gradually begun to realise that Dante’s Beach doesn’t attract just poets like myself. Once, I looked up from the book I was trying halfheartedly to read and there was a group of four or five naked men gathered around us like Red Indians – masturbating. “Be off the lot of you!” I said sternly. They all scarpered except one bloke, who had such a pleasant smile on his face that I let him alone. When he had finished, he crouched down beside my girl and said. “Grazie. Grazie mille. You are so beautiful.”’

Look, if Saul was allowed to see the light on the road to Damascus, then so am I on Dante’s Beach.

Madgalena and I did not find il rospo. But it was, no doubt, just as well.

sábado, 13 de junho de 2026

The Spectator - Wind power’s dirty secret

 (personal underlines) LBC - there...as here


Wind power’s dirty secret

A wind turbine in Somerset (Credit: Getty images)

We have just about made it out of the doldrums. I’m not talking about Britain’s economic fortune. Nor am I talking about the NHS waiting list. (Both remain dire.) In true British form, I’m talking about the weather.

Long our favourite subject of chit-chat, the weather has in recent years become the master of our power supply. At the turn of the new millennium, Britain had essentially no wind power in the grid. But over the past quarter-century, we’ve added 31 gigawatts of  capacity. That sounds impressive when you consider our average power demand is something like 37 gigawatts. It sounds less impressive when you remember those wind turbines only generate power when the weather allows. Which, of course, it sometimes doesn’t.

You see, when the renewable lobby trumpets on about how much wind we’ve added to the grid, they sail past an important detail: ‘capacity’ is how much power would be produced under ‘specific conditions’. Those specific conditions for a wind turbine are winds that blow strongly and perpetually. Capacity, therefore, is an unattainable maximum. What really matters is generation – which is how much power is actually produced. The ratio between the two is called the ‘capacity factor’, and it’s here where renewables start to fall flat.

The capacity factor for Britain’s wind power – averaged over a year – is about 30 per cent. (For solar, it’s a dim 10 per cent.) So, the next time you hear a renewable advocate breezing on about how many gigawatts of wind capacity we’ve added to the grid recently, divide the number by three and you’ll get a number more meaningful. (For solar, divide it by ten.) But even then, those annual averages paper over the dreaded spells of calm weather, during which wind generation plummets.

Between Thursday and Sunday just gone, wind’s capacity factor averaged 13 per cent. The corresponding loss in generation compared to the same period a week previously (12.1 gigawatts) was the same as switching off all of Britain’s nuclear power stations (4.7 gigawatts) and cutting the undersea interconnectors to the Netherlands, Belgium, Norway, and France (7.4 gigawatts in total).

The weather did this. Not Putin, corrupt petrostates, or greedy gas companies. Not the closing of the Strait of Hormuz, either. Calm winds can befall us any time because the atmosphere is indifferent to geopolitics. Relying on wind turbines to power a modern economy is self-imposed energy insecurity.

In the meantime, our power demand didn’t budge. And therein lies wind power’s dirty secret: when the wind drops, we rev up the gas-fired power stations to make up the shortfall. Wind’s jagged profile swings in an almost-perfect reverse lockstep with that of gas. We’re in a ludicrous situation where the weather dictates how much gas we burn and, by extension, our carbon emissions.

Twenty-five years ago, we drew almost all our power from weather-independent sources such as nuclear, coal, and gas. We’ve since cut nuclear generation by more than half as our aging fleet partially retired; only one reactor – Sizewell B – will remain by the early 2030s. We eliminated coal completely in 2024. Meanwhile, we’re at risk of losing a third of our gas fleet by the early 2030s, too, as the remaining power stations age towards retirement. It’s hard to see how we’ll get through future doldrums without severe power shortages. This means blackouts, ‘demand side flexibility’ (a euphemism for ‘energy rationing’), or more imports from our European neighbours. Probably a mixture of all three.

The much-vaunted grid-scale storage won’t help, either. Britain currently has about 40 gigawatt-hours of it, enough to keep the lights on for an hour and five minutes. Storage measured on fleeting timescales cannot carry a system through doldrums that stretch on for days or even weeks at a time.

Building wind turbines isn’t a bad thing per se. But without building weather-independent power sources alongside them, it leaves our grid exposed to the elements. We have two realistic choices: build more gas-fired power stations, thereby scrapping our net zero targets or – and this is the far more sensible option – expand our nuclear fleet rapidly, which would give us the reliable power we need without the carbon cost.

The wind has picked up and is generating 20 gigawatts today. Who knows what it will be doing in a fortnight’s time. In the meantime, we’re chasing rainbows instead of the secure grid our society needs.

Observador - O Mundial comanda o sonho (Alberto Gonçalves)

 


(sublinhados pessoais)   


O Mundial comanda o sonho

Os portugueses vão sonhar. Aliás, o nosso problema não é a falta de sonhos: é nunca acordar.

Primeira parte: política

Vejo muita gente preocupada com a circunstância de o Mundial se realizar sobretudo nos EUA. Trata-se de um receio pertinente. É sabido que na América actual as autoridades fascistas começam por deter e deportar metade dos visitantes logo no aeroporto. Depois perseguem a outra metade pelas ruas, na maioria das vezes a tiro. E se por acaso no processo sobrar um turista incauto, os agentes do ICE são meninos para segui-lo até o restaurante, sentarem-se na mesa ao lado e passarem a refeição a comer com a boca aberta só para suscitar irritação. Não são as condições ideais para a realização da prova-rainha do desporto-rei. Principalmente numa altura em que a FIFA nos habituara a designar anfitriões com provas dadas de hospitalidade e decência democrática. Houve a África do Sul do sr. Zuma em 2010. Houve o Brasil da dona Dilma em 2014. Houve a Rússia do sr. Putin em 2018. E houve o Qatar dos senhores que mandam no Qatar em 2022. Descer destes regimes exemplares para a autocracia do sr. Trump é um risco escusado e um sinal de que, contra todas as expectativas, as altas instâncias do futebol afinal não são absolutamente impolutas. O que é uma surpresa e um desgosto.

Intervalo capilar

Apesar da natural apreensão sobre as condições políticas, o fundamental é concentrarmo-nos durante 39 dias no que conta: os penteados dos jogadores. Parece impossível, mas na pré-história do futebol os futebolistas possuíam um aspecto similar ao dos restantes mortais. Depois vieram as guedelhas dos anos 1970, as permanentes dos anos 1980 e o estilo mopa/esfregão celebrizado por Figo nos anos 1990. E hoje os jogadores voltaram a ter um aspecto similar ao dos restantes mortais: os mortais que habitam as favelas de Recife, os “barrios” de Ciudad Juarez e as escolas secundárias de Portugal em peso. Embora as tatuagens, a bijuteria e o vestuário sejam importantes, o penteado é determinante. O dito consiste em rapar o cabelo oito centímetros acima da orelha, de maneira a que não se insinue sequer o vestígio de uma patilha. À frente, procede-se a uma risca desenhada a betume ou, preferencialmente, uns caracóis pendurados na testa. Atrás, é aconselhável aparar os pelos da nuca em forma de triângulo, a fim de completar o visual de quem teve alta hospitalar após severa lobotomia. Lavrar traços alegóricos no meio dos folículos é facultativo, enquanto o bigodinho e um arremedo de barbicha na ponta do queixo são acrescento de categoria. Para os autênticos estetas, a cereja no topo do bolo é a tinta amarela no topo da cabeça, adereço que torna o Brasil a selecção com mais loiros em actividade e consagra a expressão “escrete canarinho”.

Segunda parte: inclusão

Óbvia é a ironia de um país com profundas lacunas democráticas acolher o Mundial mais democrático de sempre. Antigamente, a tradição mandava que após apuramento prévio apenas uma ou duas dúzias das melhores selecções se apurassem para a fase final. Felizmente a tradição faleceu. Agora há um apuramento prévio em que, como no ensino inclusivo, quase nenhuma equipa reprova. Por mim, estou ansioso por ver os 104 (cento e quatro) desafios, mas mentiria se não confessasse particular expectativa face aos jogos Alemanha vs. Curaçau, Áustria vs. Jordânia, Uzbequistão vs. Colômbia, Iraque vs. Noruega e Papua-Nova Guiné vs. Turquemenistão. E quero ver com atenção redobrada o desempenho das selecções de Tuvalu, do Panamá e da Eritreia, nações cujos torneios internos não tenho acompanhado regular e devidamente. Em contrapartida, lamento a desqualificação precoce e injusta da Ilha da Páscoa.

Prolongamento: táctica

Nos maus tempos, o futebol permitia a distinção de futebolistas com talento para aquilo. Acima de tudo, Pelé, Cruyff, Zico, Beckenbauer ou Maradona jogavam muito bem, ou o que os leigos achavam que era jogar muito bem. Porém, como nos esclarecem 682 comentadores e especialistas na modalidade, o objectivo da modalidade não é entreter o pagode com jogadas “bonitas”. O objectivo é vencer as partidas através da aplicação de tácticas complexas e que o leigo tende a confundir com uma correria desenfreada e sem tino. Fintar o adversário é rigorosamente proibido. Jogar “bem”, idem. No futebol “moderno” e cientificamente entediante, graças a Deus, a única finalidade é fazer com que 11 sujeitos dotados de excelente preparação física e criatividade reduzida enfiem colectivamente a bola na baliza e, após esperarem 15 minutos de modo a que as “novas tecnologias” (o registo de imagens, divulgado pelos Lumière em 1895) confirmem o golo, com que o golo se festeje com pantomimas ensaiadas e o ar misteriosamente furioso do seu autor. Sem falha, sob pena de despedimento, o relatador de serviço vai proclamar com os gritos de um possesso: “É isto a magia do futebol!” Mas a essa hora o espectador, leigo e bruto, já adormeceu no sofá.

Penáltis: patriotismo

E a selecção portuguesa? Está bem lançada. O presidente Seguro visitou-a e esgotou os clichés disponíveis: “O país acredita em vós. Façam-nos sonhar e tragam para Portugal a taça que nos falta. Vamos todos torcer por vocês. Acredito que, com o vosso entusiasmo, força, fibra, talento e trabalho, isso é possível. (…) Num torneio desta dimensão, também se passa por muitas dificuldades e muitas exigências, mas é aí que se mostra a fibra e a alma de ser português. Nessa altura, estarão milhões de pessoas em todos os cantos do mundo a torcer por vós e a dar-vos o máximo apoio.” O primeiro-ministro manteve os clichés e reforçou o delírio: “Assumimos, sem rodeios, que somos candidatos a poder ganhar o Campeonato do Mundo. Temos muitos desportistas que são os melhores do mundo. Este é um alento à nossa capacidade enquanto país, de podermos pensar que, em todas as áreas de atividade, com espírito de equipa, superação e vitória, conseguimos fazer coisas que os outros ainda não fizeram.” Somos, portanto, espectaculares. Temos força, fibra, talento, trabalho, mais fibra, alma, espírito de equipa, superação e vitória. Com tudo isto é um enigma que entremos no Mundial com um pib per capita inferior ao de 54 países sem dúvida com menos fibra e alma e etc. E é garantido que sairemos do Mundial na mesma. Entre ambos os momentos, o bom povo debaterá as competências de “Rónaldo” e louvará os méritos da “transição ofensiva” e protestará as arbitragens e pendurará bandeirinhas e insultará os presunçosos que teimam em recordar que o futebol era só um divertimento e hoje aborrece um santo. Em suma, os portugueses vão sonhar. Aliás, o nosso problema não é a falta de sonhos: é nunca acordar.


The Spectator - Why so many drivers jump red lights

 

(personal underlines)

Why so many drivers jump red lights

Credit: iStock

The signs that civic society in this country is disintegrating grow more apparent by the week. In a year which has witnessed the arrival in earnest of a shoplifting epidemic, the continued normalisation of fare-dodging on London’s train and tube network, and a surge in fuel theft at garage forecourts, it now transpires that drivers are increasingly ignoring traffic lights.

According to a report in the Sunday Times, between 2022 and the end of last year, there was a 61 per cent increase in the number of drivers caught going through red lights. Across the 29 police forces that supplied figures to a freedom of information request, this figure rose from over 85,000 to more than 137,000. As with shoplifting, the problem is likely to be worse than figures suggest, because many police forces did not provide data and less than 2 per cent of this country’s traffic lights are monitored by cameras able to issue penalties.

Road users flouting red lights have long been a problem when it comes to cyclists. Many of their numbers have for decades behaved this way in the knowledge that they will mostly go unchallenged, let alone be prosecuted. So it’s hardly surprising that drivers are following suite. Why, they are now asking themselves, should they do the right thing if their fellow road-users refuse to obey the rules?

That trend is alarming because it’s contagious. It’s the same one which has been replicated at supermarkets by ostensibly respectable middle-class types, who now see nothing wrong with the odd bit of pilfering, seeing that everyone else is also doing it. It’s been repeated on public transport, where there is now less stigma or dread attached to not paying for your ticket, by those who, in a different age, would feel ashamed of themselves for such behaviour or fear punishment for it.

The more this trend spreads throughout society, the more it snowballs. Drivers might well have taken their cue from cyclists who have acted with disregard for the law or their fellow citizens, but these motorists will also have seen what’s been happening at their local garage, supermarket or railway station. Once people see rules broken in one area of life, they have less compunction to break it themselves in another.

It’s not only the fear of the ultimate consequences that should deter law-breakers in a functioning society, but also the fear of getting caught in the first place, combined with its actual likelihood. But a new batch of motorists are not scared because they correctly perceive that their chances of any repercussions have lessened. Of the figure of 137,585 drivers who were actually collared for failing to comply with traffic light signals last year, less than a fifth – 24,955 – received a conviction. As it stands, similar to shoplifting and petty theft in general, many drivers neither fear getting caught nor what happens if they do.

The collapse in respect for the law on the railways was highlighted in a film which went viral last week, showing five fare dodgers pushing through the barriers at Romford station in east London within two minutes. As the man responsible for the footage, David Taylor, a councillor for the London Borough of Havering, said:

Like a pound-shop Bobby Jenrick, I filmed ticket gate jumpers whilst waiting at Romford station for a friend. Everyone obvious as anything and not bothering to hide their faces.

That all-too-familiar ugly bravado, underlined last year by Robert Jenrick, then a Conservative MP, when he challenged fare-dodgers on the Tube, continues to spread because society has let it do so. While police, station staff and security guards seem increasingly less willing or able to enforce the law or apprehend wrongdoers, members of the public are likewise reluctant to intervene for fear of adverse consequences for themselves. A series of recent stories about supermarket staff getting sacked for confronting thieves has only intensified a feeling of lawlessness that is enveloping this country. This feeling that results in a general apathetic drift into libertinage. People are more frequently asking themselves: why should I be the only mug doing the right thing?

The social contract emerges and is maintained by two means. One is through custom and the other is through force. In various sliding proportions, societies rely on moral codes which are obeyed by its members for fear of breaking a taboo and losing face, and they rely on laws, which carry the threat of punishment for transgressors.

We can no longer realistically seek to make amends through the first avenue, because a nihilist and multicultural society such as ours has shed its taboos and has no shared, unifying sense of community. The only option left is to increase and enforce punishment and increase the fear and likelihood of it happening.

sexta-feira, 12 de junho de 2026

The Spectator - The unstoppable rise of stupidity

 



(personal underlines) - Que título! Brilhante! Rod é o máximo!

The unstoppable rise of stupidity

Hold the front page: I’ve found a very good contemporary novel to occupy my time. Such things have become vanishingly rare, even if one is grateful for David Mitchell’s metafiction, the occasional blast from Michel Houllebecq and Ben Marcus’s engaging lunacy. By and large, modern novels lack depth, originality of form and language, political unorthodoxy (i.e. freethinking) and a vaulting fictional imagination. Where, today, would you find the J.G. Ballards, the David Storeys, the Anthony Burgesses? In the sensitivity reader’s rejected pile, I suspect.

Most modern novels seem to be written by bloody nice people who agree with each other about everything and are wondering if they should go on one of those ‘We hate the working class’ marches they have in London every month or so. They are literally bien-pensant – and hence, I would suggest, stupid. Trouble is the ‘bad’ people have been banished from fiction: we’re lucky that Henry Miller, Céline, Genet and indeed that gay-bashing, vegetarian-hating George Orwell lived before our twitchy, censorious time.

Anyway, I digress. The novel in question is You Are The Führer’s Unrequited Love by the French author Jean-Nöel Orengo. It has been described in reviews as ‘unconventional’, which I think means that it isn’t about climate change. Instead, it documents the relationship between Adolf Hitler and his pet architect, Albert Speer, a relationship characterised by almost unconditional love on the Führer’s part, as well as a quasi-sexual infatuation. But the real point of it is to demarcate between hard truth and convenient lies – and wonder, with awe, at how we so much prefer the latter these days.

As Orengo says, it’s almost impossible to believe that, both at Nuremberg and once Speer had been released from prison 20 years later, we didn’t know ‘deep down’ that Speer himself knew everything – everything – about the extermination of the Jews. Given that as the minister of armaments he was in charge of Jewish slave labour, as well as being Hitler’s closest confidante, how could he not? But Speer’s absolutist and brilliant re-imagining of himself as a penitent Nazi who knew nothing about the really horrible stuff allowed him not merely to escape the noose but also to become fabulously rich from memoirs that weren’t simply unreliable, but were works of ‘radical’ (as Orengo puts it) fiction.

Speer, it should be added, did not hate Jews like his knuckle-dragging dullard colleagues. He just didn’t care and looked the other way. And we all (Gitta Sereny partially excepted) bought into the fiction of the good Nazi. Hell, even Simon Wiesenthal became Speer’s friend after his release and the publication of his bestselling Inside the Third Reich (which is also worth reading as an example of autofiction). How we all yearned to believe that clever self-absolution written with confected candour and delicacy in Spandau prison upon, fittingly, toilet paper.

I was wondering about this when deciding what to talk about to a group of British Jews in Leeds next month. The comparatively easy thing to do would be to document the rise of British anti-Semitism and tie it to the pro-Islamic far left, with its roots in old Cold War divisions and the deeply anti-Semitic history of communism. All of this would be true, of course, but it wouldn’t really get us to the heart of the matter. Instead, it would be a kind of glib evasion.

The real point resides somewhere at the heart of Orengo’s story: the propensity of perfectly decent people – the kind of people who might write an angry novel about climate change, or maybe not write anything at all but just have an obsessive quasi–sexual relationship with the word ‘Gaza’ and engagingly patterned Arabic headscarves – to believe what accords in an agreeable manner with their already formed opinions, rather than with what they know, deep down, to be true.

A whole bunch of studies have shown that an awful lot of people who spend their time online have a marked preference for fabrications and fictions. This has been noted even – I say even but, God help us, that qualifier is entirely redundant – among academics, who while they might recognise findings that contradict their idiotic assumptions, will shelve those findings because they’re not ‘useful’ politically.

Down below those debauched shitgibbons are the millions tapping away on Facebook and Instagram, and in the BBC and Sky studios. Coerced by modernity and stupidity into refusing to countenance an opinion which might possibly conflict with their own, these people are pushed further and further by technology and its insistence upon a Manichean divide between my side and your side. A divide where your side is never right about anything. And not just wrong, but wicked, consisting of opinions that can only be held by the sort of people who aren’t committed to justice and who might occasionally enjoy a novel which isn’t about climate change.

Dig beneath that and you’ll find a society that considers the acquisition of knowledge not merely less important than the espousal of a political viewpoint, but an intellectual cul de sac. There is nothing to be gained by knowledge – regrettably it has in the past been fetishised as a desirable concept and often used to prevent progress. In our education system – and percolating way beyond, into the viscera of the public – the notion of actually knowing stuff from which one can then advance an argument is of no matter; in fact, it’s reactionary. The facts don’t matter You have your truth and I have mine. And mine is not only right, but unchallengeable.