segunda-feira, 29 de junho de 2026

Observador - Isto vem tudo no Huxley (Gonçalo Poças

 

(sublinhados pessoais)

Isto vem tudo no Huxley

Onde é que nós queremos chegar, afinal, com este entusiasmo em torno de ideias que anunciam resultados sem caminhos, sem esforço, sem sacrifício, sem dor, sem perda?

No tempo em que as crianças jogavam à bola na rua, por entre lancis, passeios, pedras da calçada levantadas, alcatrão, automóveis, camiões, portões de garagem amolgados pela força dos petardos lançados com bolas esfarrapadas pelo asfalto ou balizas feitas com calhaus, medidas com passos, havia uma série de regras altamente falíveis que eram seguidas à risca. Uma delas era a da validade dos golos quando as bolas iam altas. Levantava-se uma grande discussão sobre se o guarda-redes lá chegaria em teoria, simulando-se uma trave horizontal erguida à medida não de uma medida regulamentar, mas da altura de quem jogava à baliza – daí que, quanto mais pequeno o guarda-redes, melhor, porque se reduzia automaticamente a altura da baliza (sendo que pequeno e gordo seria a medida perfeita do guarda-redes, que acaba por transformar a baliza de pedras numa barreira intransponível). As discussões levantavam-se, não raras vezes acabavam à pancada, num processo de libertação hormonal e manifestação de força saudável, que fazia, a curto prazo, mais forte quem batia e, a longo prazo, quem levava.

Lembrei-me disto numa destas madrugadas, enquanto a selecção portuguesa de futebol era massacrada pelos colombianos neste evento de publicidade a que chamam Mundial de Futebol, quando um golo aos olhos de todos válido foi anulado à Colômbia. Aquela aberração a que chamam VAR, vídeo-árbitro, uma máquina que oferece imagens virtuais que apuram ao milímetro a verdade desportiva, descobriu a ponta de um dedo colombiano para lá da linha Maginot virtual que separava o último defesa português do seu guarda-redes. Como sou uma daquelas almas que já gostou mais de futebol do que de uma equipa, e não sou totalmente imune à nostalgia, achei que o golo ia ser validado. Não havia nada, entre o directo e a repetição, que indiciasse um fora-de-jogo. Mas lá surgiu a linha virtual e a Colômbia acabou por empatar um jogo que merecia ganhar.

Há, de facto, qualquer coisa de profundamente revelador num golo anulado porque a biqueira de uma bota ficou dois centímetros para lá da linha. Os jogadores fizeram tudo bem, o estágio explodiu, as gentes entram em êxtase, outras em profunda tristeza, tudo parece encaminhado para a revelação da Humanidade, e eis que uma máquina nos diz que não, que não foi bem assim. Não discuto sequer a regra, a tecnologia, a justiça real que tudo isto traz a um jogo que é, ainda por cima, cada vez menos um jogo e mais um mercado de capitais e transacções. Mas há aqui, em tudo isto, alguma coisa que nos fala sobre o tempo que vivemos e naquilo em que nos estamos a tornar ou em que nos tornámos já.

O que é que se espera do Homem que não aceita a imperfeição, o erro, a margem de erro, a ideia de que a vida é um conjunto infinito de zonas cinzentas oscilantes pela decisão humana que prevalece sobre a ideia de uma medição absoluta? O que é que se pode esperar de uma sociedade que exige a limpeza total, a exactidão total, o controlo total, a perfeição absoluta? Esta é a época das canetas de emagrecimento, afinal, uma revolução real que, procurando ser justo, melhorou, por enquanto, a vida de milhares de pessoas e representa um avanço extraordinário da ciência. Mas onde é que nós queremos chegar, afinal, com este entusiasmo em torno de ideias que anunciam resultados sem caminhos, sem esforço, sem sacrifício, sem dor, sem perda? Por mais sedutora que seja a ideia da perda de peso sem fome, será inevitável que cheguemos a outros sítios: à ambição de aprender sem estudar, de enriquecer sem poupar, de criar relações duradouras sem compromisso, de ter sucesso sem fracassar, de obter reconhecimento sem mérito, se ser feliz sem sofrer. Talvez nenhuma outra civilização tenha investido tanto na eliminação de qualquer forma de atrito pessoal, ao mesmo tempo em que se desmorona em atritos permanentes, sociais e pessoais.

Não digo que isto seja incompreensível. Não é. Durante séculos procurámos combater a doença, a fome, a pobreza, a dor, e felizmente vencemos muitas desses obstáculos, que nos permitiam salvaguardar o valor da vida. Não há romantismo nenhum no sofrimento, como é evidente. Mas há muito romantismo e demasiada utopia num mundo que luta pela abolição total da dor, até ao ponto em que o Homem passa a ser avaliado exclusivamente sob o ponto de vista da sua perfeição ou da sua utilidade. Talvez seja esse o grande esquecimento do nosso tempo: a confusão entre sofrimento e mal absoluto, o varrimento para debaixo de um tapete da ideia de que há um sofrimento que destrói e há outro que forma vontades e carácter. É por isso que o verdadeiro perigo em que vivemos não seja o vídeo-árbitro ou as canetas de emagrecimento, por exemplo, mas a filosofia que os permitiu: a ideia de que qualquer obstáculo é um defeito da realidade e de que a boa sociedade será aquela onde nada custa, nada dói e nada exige. E onde se é, afinal, menos livre porquanto deixamos de estar aptos a fazer escolhas. O Admirável Mundo Novo é este: a troca da liberdade pelo conforto, não pela força, mas pelo prazer. Permitam-me que não aprecie.


Reflexão - Tempos difíceis (LBC)

 E o PCP, quem nomeará? E o BE? E o 1343? Que emoção!...




Livro - La Tyrannie Sportive (Jean-Marie Brohm)

Livro inusual nos tempos de hoje, ilustrativo e cruel sobre o mundo do Desporto. Todos os "adeptos" e os que aderem de tempos a tempos ao desporto (...) deveriam lê-lo.

 














The Spectator - Don’t pretend to like football

 (personal underlines)


Don’t pretend to like football

I spend my weekends following a club through rain, traffic, expense and occasional humiliation. You don't.

(Photo by Michael Regan - The FA/The FA via Getty Images)

It was a few moments before the whistle blew on the opening match of the 2006 World Cup when a text message arrived from a colleague. ‘Well, here we go!’ it read. I rolled my eyes, slipped my phone back into my pocket, and left the message unanswered. 

Why the grumpiness? Because the message came from a man who normally took no interest whatsoever in the game, except to occasionally mock people like me for being daft enough to enjoy a ‘silly game with silly men kicking a ball around’. Yet here he was, transformed by the arrival of the World Cup into an enthusiastic student of… ‘footie’. 

He wasn’t alone. Another football-sceptic colleague became inordinately invested in the office World Cup sweepstake, while a third underwent an overnight conversion from someone who barely knew football existed into someone wandering around the office whistling that bloody Baddiel and Skinner song. I’m not going to lie, I resented all three of them enormously. 

Football supporters can be strangely possessive about the game. Perhaps it’s inevitable. We spend years accumulating knowledge, building rituals, establishing loyalties and proving, mostly to ourselves, that we belong. We endure long stretches of boredom, disappointment and frustration for occasional moments of joy. We learn to ignore the bafflement and contempt of people who simply don’t understand why any of it matters

And somewhere along the way, we start drawing distinctions between the people who genuinely love football, and the people who seem interested only when football becomes fashionable. Every fan eventually develops an instinctive suspicion of two familiar figures: the glory-hunter and the recent convert. 

The World Cup is a magnet for both. Every four years, social media and pubs fill with people who haven’t watched a match since the previous tournament but suddenly feel compelled to deliver loud and confident opinions, often based on remarkably little insight.  

For those who spend their weekends following a club through rain, traffic, expense and occasional humiliation, this can be irritating. It feels a bit like standing next to someone at a concert who only knows the band’s biggest hit – the song you’ve heard so often you can’t stand it anymore. They’re enjoying themselves, which ought to be enough, but somehow it isn’t because it feels as though they’re claiming membership of a club without paying the subscription. 

Of course, this protective instinct is only sometimes justified. At its worst, it becomes little more than boorish gatekeeping, because there are actually plenty of perfectly valid reasons why someone might choose to engage with football only during the World Cup. The tournament is short, self-contained and easy to understand. The stakes are obvious. Unlike the long slog of a league season, or the complicated arithmetic of European competitions, the drama is immediate and the maths reassuringly simple. 

National-team rivalries are often easier to grasp than the tangled histories of club football. And while commentators occasionally lapse into patronising clichés about some African nations being ‘just pleased to be here’, international football does make it easier to connect with the romance of the underdog. Defending champions crash out in the group stage. Host nations fail to reach the knockout rounds. Unfashionable teams eliminate heavy favourites. It’s free to watch and it can all start to feel intoxicating. 

And just as there are good reasons for non-football fans to enjoy the World Cup, there are reasons for committed football fans to dislike it. Every supporter winces when one of their club’s players launches into a 50–50 challenge during a World Cup tie. We watch through our fingers, calculating how many months of the club season might disappear with a badly timed injury. 

We tend to notice the shift from a sporting event built around supporters into a corporate spectacle built around consumers. We recognise that organisers increasingly seem less interested in traditional fans than in sponsors, tourists and television numbers. Perhaps we notice these things more readily in international football because they are easier to spot there than in the club game we follow with such blind intimacy. 

Which raises the uncomfortable possibility: when we sneer at the people who flock to football every four years, are we really sneering at ourselves? We’re all part-timers sometimes. I usually get excited about the Olympic Games or the World Snooker Championship final, but I pay zero attention to those sports the rest of the year. I lap up the beef of payment day in Four In A Bed but I don’t bother with the other four episodes. 

And the first football match I ever watched was the 1979 FA Cup Final. As I sat down that afternoon, I wasn’t a football supporter at all. I was just another newcomer, probably at least as annoying as my texting colleague.  

domingo, 28 de junho de 2026

Desporto - Portugal - Colombia (futebol C. mundo)


1 - Estranho, muito estranho...

2 - Tudo como dantes,...quartel etc.

 


The spectator - The lessons from Henry Nowak’s murder

 


(personal underlines)

The lessons from Henry Nowak’s murder

I wonder how many readers have ever heard of the name Kriss Donald? The young Glaswegian was just 15 years old in 2004 when he was kidnapped by a local gang of Pakistani men. The group selected him because he was white and they had some beef with a group of white men with whom Donald had no connection at all. After driving around for hours, the gang – led by one Imran Shahid – stabbed Donald repeatedly before dousing his body in petrol and setting him alight.

I also wonder how many readers have heard of the name Tony Timpa? The white, unarmed Texan was 32 in 2016 when he suffered some sort of mental breakdown in public. Instead of assisting him, police arrived at the scene and restrained him in such a way that he died. Bodycam footage released three years later – thanks to pressure from local journalists – showed officers kneeling on Timpa as he complained that he couldn’t breathe and mocking him as he lay dying.

I ask these questions because I can predict with a high degree of certainty that neither Kriss Donald nor Tony Timpa are household names. By contrast the names of Stephen Lawrence and George Floyd have been in our collective consciousness for 33 and six years respectively. There was a period after the death of both when it was heavily implied – to put it mildly – that all white people in Britain and America bore collective responsibility for both men’s deaths.

Despite racist killings being exceptionally rare, both the Lawrence and Floyd cases were used by politicians, the media and lobbying groups as a lens through which to analyse and indict entire populations. After the murder of Lawrence, white Britons were made to feel as if they had killed him themselves. Ditto with white Americans after the death of Floyd.

In the wake of Lawrence’s murder and the undoubted police failures that followed, this country saw the publication of the Macpherson Report – perhaps the single most consequential judicial inquiry in modern British history. Among other things, it gave us the term ‘institutional racism’, which has dominated modern political discourse ever since.

It should be clear by now that our societies choose what we wish to remember. Or, to put it more accurately, some cases seem to be selected for us as learning moments or opportunities to push a wider societal point. Anniversaries of the Lawrence murder are marked with services at St Martin-in-the-Fields, attended by prominent politicians such as Keir Starmer. US senators and presidential candidates – as well as our own current Prime Minister – memorably ‘took the knee’ among other gestures to commemorate the death of Floyd.

By contrast there have never been any remotely similar campaigns to remember Kriss Donald or Tony Timpa. Why? Why should it be that some racist killings and deaths in police custody are commemorated while others are not?

I doubt if any reader can name even one white British girl who, over the course of the past three decades, was abducted, tortured and sexually abused by men of mainly Pakistani origin in this country. These thousands of girls were chosen – as repeated inquiries and court judgments have stated – for the colour of their skin. But Starmer has never taken the knee for them. There have been no national services of remembrance, or anniversaries marked.

Which brings me to the murder of 18-year-old Henry Nowak and the justified upsurge of anger which has greeted the conviction and sentencing of the man who killed him: Vickrum Digwa. There are many responses. Some people have called for there to be a ban on Sikhs being allowed to carry the traditional kirpan knife. There are pros and cons to this argument. Sikh leaders seem to me to have been largely commendable in their condemnation of the actions of Digwa. Others have pointed out that the weapon used by Nowak’s weapons-obsessed killer was not the kirpan but a larger knife that no one has any right to carry around. On the other hand, several perfectly reasonable and tolerant countries have banned their Sikh population from carrying such weapons, whether they are deemed to be a tenet of their faith or not.

But the larger point is at risk of being missed in all this. A direct line can be drawn between the casual cruelty and inhumanity shown by police officers to young Nowak in his dying moments and the inquiry into the murder of Stephen Lawrence. For three decades the police have lived under the fear of any further claims of ‘institutional racism’. Police training and changes in the law have made it incumbent on officers to believe anyone who claims to have been the victim of a racist crime. That is how Digwa, and even his mother, were initially able to get away with their vicious lies so that Digwa’s victim struggled for life on a cold street pavement, in handcuffs, being read his legal rights as he lay dying.

I have no idea whether the arresting officers are callous by nature or not. But I do know – we all know – that they are the products of post-Macpherson policing in which few crimes are regarded as worthy of serious attention unless the ‘R’ word is introduced into the equation. The officers at the scene were literally blinded by prejudice.

And we also know that ‘racism’ has, for 30 years, been an almost entirely one-way street. Only someone who is a minority can be a victim of racism and only someone who has the misfortune to be from the majority racial group can be the perpetrator of it. Even if the accused – and entirely innocent person so charged – is bleeding out in front of you.

I get the sense that the weather is about to change on all of this. About time.

The Spectator - Vickrum Digwa is no Sikh

 

(personal underlines)

Vickrum Digwa is no Sikh

Vickrum Digwa (Credit: CPS)

British Sikhs have long been considered a model minority and an integration success story. The core teachings of Sikhism promote equality for all human beings. This is not merely in word, but deed. Go to any gurdwara anywhere in the world and you can get a free vegetarian meal, regardless of who you are.

Over the years, Britain has made legal accommodations for Sikhs. Turbaned Sikhs have an exemption from wearing a helmet on a motorbike, famously satirised in the British sitcom Only Fools and Horses with the ‘Del Boy turban helmet’. Baptised Sikhs (Amritdharis) are provided an exemption (and a defence) on religious grounds, under the Offensive Weapons Act 2019, to carry a ceremonial knife, known as the kirpan, as part of five symbols of their faith – colloquially known as the 5Ks. This is by no means unique to a minority of Sikhs, an exemption is also in place for the Scottish Dirk/Sgian Dubh as part of legitimate Highland dress. The 5Ks, stem from Guru Gobind Singh’s (the 10th Guru) stand against Mughal tyranny – and the kirpan is designated for self-defence purposes only.

But decades of good will for British Sikhs has been damaged because of the action of one dangerous and dishonest Sikh heritage monster: Vickrum Digwa, who killed finance student Henry Nowak last December in Southampton, with a 21cm Persian blade known as a pesh-kabz. On Monday, Digwa – a man with a ‘weapons obsession’ – was jailed for at least 21 years.

After stabbing Nowak, Digwa filmed his victim as he sat on the floor bleeding to death. When the police arrived at the scene, they handcuffed Nowak, not Digwa, because Digwa had falsely accused his victim of racism. The police watchdog is investigating why Nowak was handcuffed and arrested while dying. The bodycam footage is difficult to watch. As he was dying, Nowak, said: ‘I can’t breathe’. These words were also used by George Floyd in the United States, as he lay dying in the street. The resulting Black Lives Matter backlash from that incident led to Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner taking the knee in solidarity. Although Starmer posted about the case, he has not yet, in this case, taken the knee.

Allegations of two-tier justice are warranted in this case. Why was Digwa, rather than Nowak, believed by officers? The allegation of ‘racism’ appears to have been a trump card deployed by Digwa to persuade police that he was the victim. For a minute or two – the final moments of Nowak’s life – it worked. Why?

Digwa, of course, does not represent Sikhs. His murderous actions are a corruption of everything Sikhs believe in. But the fact that Digwa was carrying a kirpan has led some to believe that the law needs to be changed.

MPs from three political parties are now calling for the kirpan to be banned. Conservative party chairman Kevin Hollinrake MP said his party is reviewing the religious exemption for Sikhs. But why stop at just reviewing the kirpan? What about the Dirk/Sgian Dubh? After all, the Sgian Dubh has been used in at least one reported murder case. And Britain’s knife crime epidemic is about far more than kirpans. In 2023-24, there were a total of 262 knife homicides recorded for all age groups. The majority of these (42 per cent) were carried out with ordinary kitchen knives, which are easy for most people to get hold of.

Does the law need changing? It is worth remembering that the kirpan wasn’t used in the murder. Digwa’s assertion that the 21cm Persian dagger, which was used to kill Nowak, was part of his faith was outright rejected in court. The law, then, is already serving its purpose. This appalling case should not lead to a crackdown on innocent Sikhs.

In a rare moment of honesty, the otherwise dishonest Digwa admitted after he stabbed Nowak: ‘I’m a fool’. He is right. Digwa has single handedly caused serious damage to the good reputation of Britain’s 525,865 majority law abiding Sikh community. We are facing what feels like collective punishment for his heinous and cowardly crime.

The online pile-on against Sikhs on platforms like X is unprecedented. If we had an equivalent to Tell MAMA, the Community Security Trust or the British Muslim Trust, there would no doubt be many news reports about the levels of online hatred Sikhs are facing for the behaviour of one rotten apple.

In his sentencing remarks at Southampton Crown Court, His Honour Judge William Mousley KC said, ‘Your [Digwa’s] actions have stirred up racial tension in Southampton and across the country which have made many Sikhs worried about their own safety even though they have done absolutely nothing wrong.’

Online protagonists not only want to ban the kirpan, some also wish to, ‘DEPORT ALL SIKHS’. Yet Digwa’s actions no more represent me than the actions of a white murderer represent others of the perpetrator’s race.

People are right to express anger about what has happened. But much of the commentary about this tragedy borders on the absurd and constitutes a crude vilification of all Sikhs. Most Sikhs I’ve spoken to in recent days unequivocally condemn Digwa and his family. They are all expressing solidarity with the Nowak family. Don’t judge Sikhs based on the actions of a reprehensible individual like Vickrum Digwa.

Música - Olívia Rodrigo (honeybee)

honeybee (Lyric Video)

 




https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=60rlboK94mE&list=RD60rlboK94mE&start_radio=1


Reflexão - LBC Humor (O Tal Canal)

 Quando havia profissionais do humor em Portugal...




sábado, 27 de junho de 2026

quinta-feira, 25 de junho de 2026

The Spectator - The disturbing truth about the National Association of Muslim Police

 

(personal underlines, silent regrets...)

The disturbing truth about the National Association of Muslim Police

(Getty images)

The official representative body for Muslim police officers in Britain has branded Zionism “one of the manifestations of anti-Muslim hatred,” described the Israel Defence Force as a “Zionist terrorist group” and defended Hamas against “unverified stories about acts of violence.”

The inflammatory claims are made by the National Association of Muslim Police (NAMP) in a policy paper on “confronting anti-Muslim hatred,” written by its then vice-president, Khaldoun Kabbani, published on its website last year but not publicised until now.

In the wake of the Henry Nowak scandal, the document will increase concerns that British police are being corrupted from within by extremist identity and grievance politics. It will also raise further worries about the Government’s controversial definition of “anti-Muslim hostility.” The NAMP paper is intended as a contribution to what the term should cover.

NAMP is affiliated to at least 16 of Britain’s 43 police forces and has a formal national role within the police. The College of Policing – the police’s official professional body, an arms-length organisation of the Home Office – praises NAMP as “an important part of policing” which plays “a crucial role in supporting our workforce” and has developed joint guidance with NAMP on matters including prayer and Ramadan. The latter recommends that police give Muslim suspects special treatment, including that “prayer and fasting times should be taken into consideration when planning searches of Muslim homes” and that Muslim suspects in custody be allowed 30 minutes between their fast and interviews.

NAMP also works with the National Police Chiefs’ Council, holding workshops with them and being allowed to present to the NPCC’s counter-terrorism advisory group with a request that the term “Islamist terrorism” be abandoned because “its use by the police contributes to faith hate crime.

The mentality behind this ridiculous demand – since 1999, 94 per cent of terrorist deaths in Britain have been caused by Islamists – becomes clear from the document we reveal today. In it, NAMP specifically defends an Islamist terror organisation, Hamas, against “alarming and unverified stories about acts of violence” committed by it on and after 7 October 2023, “including claims of beheadings and assaults. These reports have significantly contributed to increasing hatred towards Islam.”

Claims of 40 babies being decapitated were untrue, but the UN did document Hamas carrying out beheadings, or attempted beheadings, during the attacks, along with multiple sexual assaults.

NAMP also claims that “reports from Israeli and Western media initially claimed that Hamas killed 120 children…However, these reports have been challenged by more recent disclosures indicating that not a single Israeli infant was a casualty during the said attacks. It was later confirmed that only one child’s death occurred two days following the attack.”

In fact, according to that well-known friend of Israel, Amnesty International, at least 36 Israeli children were killed in the Hamas-led attacks, along with 659 adult civilians, many of them little more than children themselves. These numbers go unmentioned as NAMP attacks the media for “falsely insinuating that [Palestinians] perpetrate atrocities against innocents.”

Fortunately, NAMP knows who the real terrorists are. Its document speaks of “Zionist terrorist groups including the IDF” and opines: “Zionism represents one of the manifestations of anti-Muslim hatred, stripping Muslims of their humanity.”

With a certain inevitability, NAMP accuses “Zionists” of “the misuse of the Holocaust” in the Israel-Palestine conflict before itself grindingly misusing the Holocaust in the exact same cause. As it says: “In the tragic history of Auschwitz, the process of dehumanisation by the Nazis towards the Jewish people highlights a broader mechanism of oppression, where dominant groups suppress empathy through propaganda and indoctrination to facilitate cruelty. This mechanism is not confined to the past but is observed in contemporary conflicts, such as the situation between the Israeli Government and Military and Palestinians.”

As my Policy Exchange colleague David Spencer has written, a central element of the crisis that has enveloped British policing is the distraction of officers from the core policing task of keeping the public safe, preventing crime and catching criminals. Staff networks such as NAMP are a major cause of that distraction.

This is very far from the first controversy to envelop NAMP. Policy Exchange has repeatedly covered this subject over many years. As Spencer shows, NAMP has spent years lobbying for partisan changes in policing and government policy in a way that can only undermine trust in police impartiality. The Shawcross review of counter-extremism found that senior figures in NAMP and its force affiliates have promoted several individuals and organisations with disturbing views or affiliations and shared conspiracy theories, anti-semitic hate material and calls for the destruction of Israel. Why is an organisation like this allowed to be anywhere near the profession of law enforcement?

One definition of corruption is the perversion of an institution working in the public interest into one which at least sometimes works for private or sectional interests. The activist corruption now reaching into parts of the police risks becoming as harmful to public confidence, as demoralising for ordinary officers, and as much of a boon for criminals as was the straightforward money corruption of some forces in the 1970s. It requires a similarly deep, far-reaching reset, and a similar determination to expel and destroy it. One part of that must be to banish, or even better to outlaw, NAMP and other staff networks like it.

Andrew Gilligan is a senior fellow at Policy Exchange

Livro - Climat (Pourquoi Trump a raison...)

 A ler o que interessa! E com a densidade que tem! A que distância da intelectualidade saloia, da carneirada submissa, do lixo televisionado com concursos da treta e telenovelas redutoras, da superioridade dos media - leia-se "informação"...









quarta-feira, 24 de junho de 2026

The Spectator - What is ‘Q Manivannan’ doing in British politics?

 

(personal underlines)

LBC - rough days (tempos difíceis)...

What is ‘Q Manivannan’ doing in British politics?

(Getty Images)

In an age full of nepobaby second-generation politicians posing as ‘outsiders’, new Green Party MSP ‘Q Manivannan’ is the real thing. Indeed, the St Andrew’s postgraduate is so much of an outsider that he doesn’t even hold British citizenship or permanent residency, and is unable to take up paid employment as a condition of his student visa. ‘Q’ was allowed to stand for office last month because the Scottish government – the Wuhan Lab of terrible ideas in UK politics – recently changed the rules allowing foreigners with only limited leave to remain to compete in elections. Although Manivannan faced a probe into his visa, the powers-that-be ruled that being a politician wasn’t a real job. This prevented possibly the funniest outcome of all – the new member of the Scottish Parliament representing his constituents in Edinburgh and Lothians East remotely from Tamil Nadu.

A ‘transgender Tamil immigrant’, ‘Q’ – born Srivatsan Manivannan – identifies as non-binary and describes himself as ‘passionate about more caring politics rooted in the working class, the queer, and the solidary’. Currently engaged in a research project called ‘Archiving and (Re)imagining Caregiving as Peacebuilding in Third World Social Movements’, at the time of his election he was also crowdfunding £2,000 to pay for his visa, apparently too impoverished to pay for it himself.

The more I read about Manivannan, the more he comes to resemble a Sokal-like hoax designed to test the limits of what progressives will accept if it wins them social approval. Always smiling for the camera, Q seems to have a cheerful demeanour and hugely adds to gross national gaiety; he will make a fine footnote in the history of modern Britain, as some future Gibbon explains how the world’s foremost imperial power found itself giggling into the sea. He certainly has reason to be cheerful; the £77,000-a-year salary of an MSP compares favourably with the average Indian annual wage of £2,500, or indeed the typical earnings of a graduate in Britain doing a PhD in peace studies, which can’t be that much more.

Perhaps it’s a failure of imagination on my part, but I find it hard to understand the mindset of someone who moves to a foreign country and, before even becoming a citizen, decides that they have the right to set its laws. Of course, as a billion Indians might say in response, you chaps do have some form on this matter yourselves.

What makes the situation somewhat galling is that the Scottish Greens are in favour of independence. Professor Peter Sarris put it well when he wrote: ‘Call me old fashioned, but I do feel it somewhat out of order for someone to come to my country as a guest on a student visa, and then set about trying to break it up? A bit like allowing a stranger to come round for tea and then sitting back as they decide to smash the crockery’.

Since British taxpayers, via the Scottish Social Science Graduate School, funded Q’s PhD, we might regard this as ingratitude, but many countries would view such behaviour as actual subversion. In Singapore, where I just visited, the authorities take a very dim view of non-citizens getting involved in politics. Even displaying foreign flags is mostly prohibited, and agitating on behalf of one of the world’s various ethnic squabbles will have you deported as a troublemaker. The Singaporeans consider us utterly mad for tolerating the presence of foreign-born radicals in Britain, but they famously do not welcome outsider involvement of any kind.

Lee Kuan Yew famously said in a 1971 speech that ‘I am not interested in advice from Asian emigres on what should be in Singapore. Their advice is worse than useless. They have no sense of shame, or they would stay and help their own countries progress and their fellow countrymen live less wretched lives. Instead, they flee to greener pastures and give us advice.’

On another occasion Lee explained his thinking like so: 

If you are an authority on Greek literature but a non-citizen, then you would be wise to leave the question of whether or not Malay should be the only official language to those who are citizens. The best thing is to stick to your subject. Now if you are an authority on economics and your research shows that a certain type of industry cannot be successfully established in Singapore, then by all means propound the results of your research and your conclusion thereon, even if it should conflict with a pet scheme of the minister in charge of industrial development. And if you are an economist of repute the minister would be well to read your exposition of the subject.

In that spirit we should welcome Q Manivannan’s expertise on (Re)imagining Caregiving as Peacebuilding in Third World Social Movements, while leaving all other issues to those who are citizens.

Of course, while visiting the city-state has probably not been a good influence on whatever lingering liberalism may remain within me, Britain is not Singapore and never has been. Foreign nationals are welcome to have their say and sometimes an outsider does indeed have a better view of where the country has fallen behind, especially when it involves sacred topics. Britain has historically been among the more open political cultures, and we had Indian-born MPs in the 19th century; indeed, you could go further back than that to the foundation of the House of Commons by a Frenchman.

Yet Indians could be parliamentarians in the reign of Victoria because they were imperial subjects; the empire is long gone, and yet something of that empire mindset still lives on among Britain’s elite. We still, bizarrely, allow Commonwealth voting, whereby foreigners are allowed to take part in our democracy purely because their countries were once invaded by Britain. Many of ours rulers still see their job as serving humanity in general rather than the British people. MPs, diplomats and even ministers feel no embarrassment about displays of dual loyalty; with this in mind, it seems like hardly a stretch to allow non-citizens to make our laws. Yet there are limits.

The Singaporeans value social harmony, which is best served by a clear distinction between naturalised citizens and resident foreigners; the latter enjoy the full protection of the law, but they have no right to take part in the country’s political affairs, for the simple reason that they are not invested in the country. As with so many areas, here they seem to have a less naive understanding of human nature and incentives than their former colonial masters. They are also more forward-looking.

Our elites equate ‘open’ with high status and modernity, but it is actually the British-style approach which has become antiquated with hyper-globalisation. At its most acute the risk of hostile foreign interference grows stronger with freer movement, better technology and economic integration, most notably in the case of states like Russia and China. While the Singaporeans have always been acutely aware of the risk of political infiltration from communist China, Britain’s rulers seem blindly unaware of the dangers.

State interference is not the only risk, however; perhaps more of a problem is the rise of the Global South Aristocracy, members of ruling elites from non-western countries who help to polarise and radicalise the political systems of the states they move to. Talking the language of social justice and equality, they promote a form of identity politics which raises their own prestige, and which is often comically opposed to their ancestors’ record of oppression and slavery. What distinguishes the Global South Aristocracy from the exiles and refugees of the past is that their ire is mostly directed at their new homes, rather than injustices in their homelands. These are the ‘emigres’ whom Lee despised, and the incentives to build careers in richer states are far more immense now than in his time.

While Q claimed to have ‘grown up starving’ in India and that as a ‘queer Tamil immigrant’ he would be a voice for the ‘working class and marginalised’, it turns out, inevitably, that he went to a private school. As the Sunday Times reported, ‘Manivannan comes from an upper middle-class household in Chennai, one of India’s wealthiest, most cosmopolitan cities.’ Although his party want to ban private schooling, ‘Manivannan attended both private high school and university, and went on to run a subsidiary of an Indian business that coaches the children of the super-rich to access the world’s elite institutions.’ I could give you that advice for free: just call yourself ‘they’ and waffle on about gender identity. Every western progressive will swoon at your every word. They might even elect you.

The tale is too farcical to be enraging, too much of a right-wing fever dream, too obvious and predictable. True to the script, one of the first things Edinburgh’s new representative did after election was to push for Scottish taxpayers to fund reparations for Palestine. Of course they did.


Desporto - Portugal Uzbequistão (5-0)

"Confiança de volta"...

E o resto? Tirando a barafunda do 4º golo, a sorte do chuto de Rafael Leão no 5º, salva-se o 1º e 3º golos intencionais e o chuto de Nuno Mendes .(que infantilidade de barreira!!). Estavam mais acordaditos e picados, claro. Mas entre a R.D. Congo e o TRuzcrigbiwuzbequistão,  a escolha é difícil...

Agora sim, vamos começar a jogar. Com a Colômbia, a sério! Aguardemos e continuemos a sonhar.




Teatro - Plateias d'arte (Festa do ano lectivo - Edelweiss)

 Em 21 de Junho na Incrível Almadense, cantando o Edelweiss em inglês.




Observador - Já somos 11,5 milhões. Já fomos (Tiago Dores)

 


(sublinhados pessoais)

Já somos 11,5 milhões. Já fomos

Há quem diga que o melhor é uma boa conversa. Outros afirmam ser mais eficaz uns bons copos. Mas depois de que vimos ontem, creio ter ficado claro que nada melhor do que um bom Uzbequistão para reconciliar (quase) todo um país com o seu melhor futebolista de sempre. É verdade que o Cristiano ainda “só” marcou dois golos, estando longe dos 5 que o Messi já tem, mas nesta disputa é possível que o Messi seja a lebre e o Cristiano a tartaruga. Também porque confio que o Ronaldo venha lá de trás, lançado, e ultrapasse o argentino, mas mais por já ter provado ter uma casca muito grossa para aturar todo a sorte de críticas palermas.


Quanto ao Uzbequistão, é aproveitarmos agora para fazer pouco, tipo o Borat com o vizinho Cazaquistão. Que, ao ritmo de crescimento que a coisa leva, este país asiático quatro vezes maior e quatro vezes mais populoso que Portugal vai precisar de meros 25 aninhos para, também ele, nos ultrapassar em termos de riqueza. E uma vez que a fase de grupos do Mundial não nos obriga a fazer grandes contas, se calhar podíamos focar-nos nestas.

Quem também andou a fazer contas foi o Instituto Nacional de Estatística. O INE fez umas contas de somar e descobriu que a população portuguesa se multiplicou até aos 11,5 milhões. É verdade, a realidade voltou a teimar em contradizer António Costa: desde 2021, sempre entrou mais um ou outro imigrante, que é como quem diz para cima de 800 mil. Contando apenas aqueles cuja entrada conseguimos, de facto, contar, somou-se à população portuguesa, em 5 anos, a população de uma Lisboa mais um Porto. E ainda há quem insista que os clássicos planos quinquenais socialistas estão sempre condenados ao fracasso: desculpem, mas esta importação de eleitorado sob a forma de mão de obra semi-escrava, criando a ilusão de crescimento por via do aumento do PIB, foi um sucesso retumbante.

Sim, mas e a pressão sobre hospitais, escolas, justiça e segurança?, perguntarão os ainda não totalmente “zombificados”. Então mas não acabaram de ouvir que o PIB está a crescer, seus muito em breve walking deads? O PIB está a crescer e é a um ritmo quase tão acelerado como o da lista de Roménias que continuam a ultrapassar-nos em PIB per capita, ou seja, em riqueza média por pessoa.

Porque a subida do PIB não significa estarmos mais ricos. E isto só não é tão óbvio como se imagina, por não ser difícil imaginar as desgraçadas consequências de décadas de sistema de ensino manietado por comunistas. Pego num exemplo que escutei a Konstantin Kisin — que devem por sua vez escutar, na condição de tal não vos tirar tempo à leitura desta crónica — ao qual acrescentei algum colorido, de modo algum autobiográfico.

Imaginem que vivem com o(a) vosso(a) cônjuge e dois filhos e que, como agregado familiar, têm um rendimento anual de (para facilitar as contas e a depressão) 100.000€. Ou seja, o PIB da vossa família — o valor da riqueza que vocês produzem anualmente — é de 100.000€. Ora, como a vossa família tem quatro pessoas, o PIB per capita é de 25.000€. Ou seja, em média, cada elemento da vossa família tem 25.000€ por ano para viver.

Agora, imaginem que os vossos sogros, reformados, vêm viver convosco. E que para lá das sessões de visionamento de todos os êxitos de Steven Seagal que o vosso sogro faz ao sábado, acompanhadas pela ininterrupta degustação de pevides envergando apenas umas cuecas — slip, não boxer, obviamente — a presença dos vossos sogros traz também para o agregado familiar (além de quilos de cascas e sal entre as almofadas do sofá) um valor anual de rendimentos de 20.000€.

Isto é, o total de rendimentos do vosso agregado familiar — o vosso PIB —  passou de 100.000€ para 120.000€. Portanto, cresceu 20%. No entanto, o vosso agregado familiar, que tinha quatro pessoas, tem agora seis. Significa isto que o PIB per capita passou de 100.000€ a dividir por 4, ou seja, 25.000€, para 120.000€ a dividir por 6, ou seja, 20.000€.

Portanto, o PIB cresceu 20%, mas o PIB per capita caiu 20%. A riqueza total da família aumentou 20%, mas o que cada um tem para viver diminuiu 20%. Como quem entrou no agregado familiar é “menos produtivo” do que quem já estava no agregado familiar, a riqueza média diminuiu. E se continuasse a entrar gente que acrescentasse cada vez menos do que quem entrou antes, o valor do PIB per capita tenderia para zero. O que só espantaria quem subestima a capacidade do socialismo nos deixar, inclusive, abaixo de zero?

Como será o caso do primeiro-ministro, Luís Montenegro. Daí esta ideia brilhante de um Fundo Soberano para o estado investir em empresas estratégicas. Por acaso, quando dou por mim a imaginar o futuro de Portugal, depois de consumir uma quantidade ainda socialmente aceitável mas já não irrelevante de bebidas espirituosas, também acabo muitas vezes a divagar: fogo, o que este país precisava mesmo, mas mesmo, e muito urgentemente, aquilo que nos podia, enfim!, colocar no rumo do prosperidade, era o estado ter só mais um bocadinho de peso na economia. Eh pá, deixem-me sonhar. Mas, pelo sim, pelo não, tomo já dois ou três Guronsans.

Enquanto não vamos rapidamente ao Fundo Soberano, é esperar que a nossa explosão demográfica contribua para o surgimento de mais Cristianos Ronaldos. Se bem que, tendo como exemplo o que mencionei sobre PIB e PIB per capita, se calhar não devemos esperar novos CR7s: no máximo, talvez um ou outro CR5,6.