quinta-feira, 20 de agosto de 2026

The Spectator - Middle England is finally waking up to the migrant crisis

 


(personal underlines)

Middle England is finally waking up to the migrant crisis

I don’t know how familiar readers are with the term ‘accelerationism’. It is generally used to describe a tendency on the left, though is increasingly heard on the right too.

The basic idea of accelerationism is that there are certain flaws in the societal structure which if pushed could bring things to their inevitable conclusion more quickly.

It is why there are so many people on the left of politics who say that sustainable government spending should be discouraged. It is not just because they are economically illiterate. What they really hope is that a speeded-up financial disaster will expose the ‘underlying contradictions of capitalism’, and we’ll all realise that Karl Marx was right and promptly vote for Zack Polanski or similar at the next election.

Such accelerationism is a tendency that conservatives usually have the sense to avoid, largely because conservative-minded people are more sceptical of the idea that things always fall out in a way that fits our own existing desires. A key insight of conservatism, since the French Revolution at least, is that there is always room for things to get worse – generally in ways that no one outside Beelzebub’s immediate family could have imagined.

Yet there is a right-wing version of accelerationism that has started to bubble up a little more volubly of late. This centres around the idea that our high immigration, stretched welfare state and societal model is heading for a crash and that there might be some advantage in things travelling a little faster in that direction. If legal and illegal migration continue to speed up, so this belief goes, then a greater proportion of the public will finally realise what a disastrous model it was. Things will then come to their inevitable end point and we can get this muddy intermediate phase over and done with quickly.

It is surprising that Andy Burnham has turned out to be such a boon to the right-wing accelerationists, but that is what he is proving to be. Not least through his sinister and hilarious idea of solving the country’s problem of where to house illegal migrants by putting more of them in leafy middle-class areas.

As it happens, there are good arguments for Burnham’s brainwave. For decades, left-wing and putatively right-wing governments have managed to disguise many of the downsides of mass migration by making sure the migrants are housed in working-class areas. All across the country this has proved a brilliant wheeze, because if any migrants hang around the streets and start propositioning schoolgirls, you can expect to snooker the locals in a number of ways.

First you can expect them to keep quiet about it, knowing that their betters in Westminster have made decisions they could not possibly understand even if it was explained to them slowly. Second, you can expect that if the locals do object, who cares? Nobody goes to dinner parties with these people anyway, nobody weekends in their areas and none of the locals has a regular presenting slot on Newsnight. Thirdly, if the above doesn’t work and there is actually a ruckus, you can just call the locals ‘racist’, which will make them scurry away, doffing their caps as they do so in the direction of their moral and social superiors.

That was the model Keir Starmer’s government continued when it allowed migrants to stay in hotels in Essex. Starmer and co didn’t care about the people there, and when some of them did pipe up to say they weren’t keen on the child-molesting that seemed to have emerged in the area, the far-left turned up to shut them down, called the locals ‘racist’, and the problem apparently went away.

So I have some sympathy with those who are pleased to hear that Burnham thinks non-working-class areas of the country should take their own unfair share of illegals, particularly when you read the details. For instance there is the idea of housing 1,250 ‘male asylum seekers’ right beside Piddington in Oxfordshire. The village has a lovely church and village hall. The 2011 census recorded a population of 370. A similar brainiac has decided that the village of Barnham in Suffolk should have a right going-over. Barnham has a population of 600, a charming bell tower and a nearby landscape garden designed by Capability Brown. It too is scheduled to welcome 1,250 ‘asylum seekers’.

It is not for me to make predictions. But I suspect that the illegal migrants housed in these parts of rural England will not appreciate the subtleties of church architecture or landscaped gardens. Problems are likely to arise. I say no more.

All this is likely to bring some of our nation’s problems home in a way that will be harder and harder for ‘Middle England’ to ignore. Accelerationists on the right at this point think: ‘And then they will realise that we were right.’ But it is not inevitable that things will fall out that way. My own observations of people and their political delusions suggest that Islington could be completely overrun by migrants and the locals would still turn out of a weekend with ‘Smash fascism’ and ‘Stand up to racism’ banners. Remember that communism in the 20th century killed tens of millions of people, yet there are still people who believe it was a good thing. Why should the multiculturalist open-borders types hand over their political philosophy any more easily?

Allow me to make just one prediction. I suspect that in the coming weeks we will be told that the natives of Piddington and Barnham turn out, sadly, just to be very, very racist. What is more, the only way the locals could ever be cured of this is if they can experience greater diversity.

At this stage our country is quite mad enough to accelerate over a cliff. Some folks might even like that.

quarta-feira, 19 de agosto de 2026

Polemia - Le gauchisme, maladie adolescente (4/4) : un anti-occidentalisme pathologique



soulignés personels )


Après un premier article sur l’absurdité des postures anticapitalistes, un deuxième sur l’obscurantisme quant aux questions énergétiques et un troisième consacré à l’agribashing, Gilles Ardinat, Professeur agrégé et docteur en géographie économique et auteur de Comprendre la mondialisation en 10 leçons, conclut cette magistrale série d’articles en évoquant l’anti-occidentalisme de la gauche.
Polémia

Les militants de droite utilisent sans cesse le qualificatif « gauchiste » pour désigner de manière péjorative leurs adversaires de gauche. Mais la plupart ignorent que ce terme a été popularisé par Lénine dans un célèbre essai publié en 1920 (1). Afin de disqualifier les mouvements révolutionnaires jugés déviants et immatures, le chef de file des bolcheviques a alors qualifié le gauchisme de « maladie infantile du communisme ».

La thèse de cette série d’articles est que le gauchisme contemporain, plus d’un siècle après la mort de Lénine, ressemble davantage à une crise d’adolescence (2) : à la manière d’un adolescent qui critique systématiquement les adultes qui l’ont pourtant aidé (parents, professeurs, figures d’autorité diverses…), les gauchistes actuels vouent aux gémonies une société qui leur a pourtant apporté des bienfaits inestimables.

En effet, le gauchisme « woke » universitaire et sa version électorale (représentée en France par LFI et une myriade de petits partis (3)) sont fondamentalement des idéologies du ressentiment (4) et du rejet de l’ordre établi. Nous verrons que l’anti-capitalisme (I), la critique radicale des énergies fossiles (II) et de l’agriculture productiviste (III) ainsi que la haine irrationnelle de l’Occident (IV), constitutifs du gauchisme actuel, remettent paradoxalement en cause les facteurs essentiels du prodigieux progrès économique, social et technologique dont bénéficie notre époque.

1. L’Occident accusé des pires maux de l’humanité
2. L’Ouest, phare de l’Humanité et moteur de tous les « progrès »
3. Repentance, anti-christianisme et anti-capitalisme aux sources de la détestation gauchiste de l’Occident

L’Occident accusé des pires maux de l’humanité

Le 25 mars 2026, l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies a voté une résolution « portant qualification de la traite des Africains réduits en esclavage et de l’esclavage racialisé des Africains de plus grave crime contre l’humanité (5) ». Cette déclaration, portée par le Ghana et l’Union africaine, cible spécifiquement « la traite transatlantique des esclaves, qui a duré 400 ans » et indique clairement la responsabilité de la Papauté (bulles Dum Diversas et Romanus Pontifex (6)), du Portugal, de l’Espagne, des Pays-Bas, du Royaume-Uni, de la France (avec le fameux Code Noir (7)) et de l’État de Virginie (donc les États-Unis). L’objectif de ce texte aux accents tiers-mondistes (8) est clair : pointer du doigt l’Occident tout en occultant les autres formes d’esclavage, notamment la traite arabo-musulmane ou intra-africaine qui ont duré bien plus longtemps que la traite transatlantique et ont fait des millions de victimes (9). Cette résolution qui dénonce également le « système capitaliste racial » est d’une partialité évidente et seuls trois États présidés par des hommes de droite (Trump, Milei et Netanyahou) ont osé voter contre. En France, une loi mémorielle comparable, portée par la députée de gauche Christiane Taubira en 2001 (10), avait reconnu « que la traite négrière transatlantique ainsi que la traite dans l’océan Indien […] constituent un crime contre l’humanité ». La gauche avait à l’époque assumé cibler uniquement les crimes commis par la France « contre les populations africaines, amérindiennes, malgaches et indiennes » tout en écartant les traites intra-africaines et arabo-musulmanes de la loi (afin de ne pas accabler les populations africaines actuelles). Ces campagnes mémorielles partiales sont emblématiques d’une offensive idéologique globale qui vise, bien au-delà de la seule question de l’esclavage, à dénigrer systématiquement l’Occident : cet espace de civilisation est censé, selon les militants gauchistes, être coupable des pires maux de l’humanité.

La notion d’« Occident » a été l’objet de très nombreuses définitions et analyses au XXe siècle, pour la plupart ignorées des activistes de gauche. L’historien Fernand Braudel (11) a souligné les apports culturels successifs qui ont forgé, sur le temps long, l’identité de cet espace de civilisation. Le philosophe Philippe Nemo a listé, dans un petit ouvrage resté célèbre (12), les étapes (« miracles ») de la constitution de cette identité occidentale : la raison grecque (science, philosophie et cité), l’héritage juridique de Rome, le christianisme (conception métaphysique et morale structurante), la révolution papale (XIe–XIIIe siècles) qui a consacré la distinction entre les sphères spirituelle et temporelle et enfin les révolutions libérales modernes. Le philosophe allemand Oswald Spengler a quant à lui pensé la décadence de l’Occident (13). La Guerre froide (1947–1991), avec sa logique de blocs, va donner à l’Occident (historiquement divisé entre États rivaux) une certaine unité géopolitique et entériner son rôle central dans la défense du capitalisme. Nous retiendrons une définition géographique très simplifiée de l’Occident : il s’agit de l’espace de civilisation formé par l’Amérique du Nord (États-Unis et Canada) et l’Europe occidentale (dont la frontière orientale varie légèrement en fonction des époques). L’Australie et la Nouvelle-Zélande sont rattachées à cette civilisation. De nombreux États non-occidentaux ont connu une occidentalisation plus ou moins poussée, mais appartiennent à des civilisations différentes (comme la Tunisie, pays arabo-musulman ou du Japon qui a conservé une civilisation spécifique). L’Occident désigne communément un ensemble de pays aujourd’hui relativement cohérent du point de vue politique (démocratie libérale), culturel (héritages gréco-romain et chrétien), économique (capitalisme et fort niveau de développement) et ethnique (population blanche). Dans la plupart de ces pays, les mouvements politiques de gauche ont développé un discours critique, visant à dénigrer le monde occidental. La récente conférence de l’activiste mélenchoniste Yazid Arifi illustre cet anti-occidentalisme extrême (14) : parlant de « bascule civilisationnelle », celui-ci préconise, devant une assemblée de sympathisants LFI, « la chute de la citadelle occidentale de l’intérieur. C’est notre tâche. La tâche d’un éventuel pouvoir insoumis ». Mais cet anti-occidentalisme, aux relents anti-capitalistes, tiers-mondistes et communautaristes, a une vision idéologique totalement biaisée, occultant volontairement la contribution majeure de l’Occident à l’ensemble des progrès dont la gauche se réclame de façon paradoxale.

L’Ouest, phare de l’Humanité et moteur de tous les « progrès »

Historiquement, la contribution de l’Occident aux progrès scientifiques et technologiques est majeure et sans commune mesure avec les autres civilisations. Depuis les savants grecs Archimède (IIIe siècle av. J.-C.) et Ptolémée (IIe siècle apr. J.-C.), les astronomes polonais Nicolas Copernic (1473–1543, théorie de l’héliocentrisme) et italien Galilée (1564–1642), le Britannique Isaac Newton (1643–1727, théorie de la gravitation universelle), les chimistes français Antoine Lavoisier (1743–1794) et Louis Pasteur (1822–1895) ou l’Allemand Albert Einstein (1879–1955), toute l’histoire des sciences est jalonnée d’inventeurs et génies occidentaux. Bien entendu, chaque civilisation a pu apporter son lot d’innovations. Le Proche-Orient a eu un rôle prépondérant dans l’apparition de l’agriculture (le fameux « croissant fertile » formé par la Mésopotamie et l’Égypte), de l’écriture (environ en 3500 av. J.-C.) et de l’urbanisation. La Chine a été une terre d’innovation durant l’Antiquité (invention du papier au IIe siècle av. J.-C., acupuncture…) et le Moyen Âge (poudre à canon au IXe siècle, monnaie papier au XIe siècle…) mais l’Occident est progressivement devenu le lieu de la plupart des découvertes. La science moderne, basée sur l’observation et l’expérience, est née en Occident au XVIIe siècle : les philosophes Francis Bacon (1561–1626), Descartes (1596–1650) ou Pascal (1623–1662) ont théorisé ce rapport nouveau à la connaissance. L’Occident acquiert à cette époque (et pour plusieurs siècles) une véritable domination dans le domaine des sciences et des techniques. C’est en Angleterre qu’est née la première révolution industrielle et son cortège d’inventions (notamment la machine à vapeur). Les pays de l’Europe du Nord-Ouest et les États-Unis ont été à la pointe de la deuxième (moteur à explosion et électricité) puis de la troisième révolution industrielle (invention du microprocesseur puis d’Internet aux États-Unis). L’Occident concentre la quasi-totalité des lauréats des prix Nobel en médecine, physique et chimie (15) ainsi que des médailles Fields en mathématiques (16). Mécanique, agronomie, biologie, géologie, astronomie : aucun domaine n’a échappé à l’hégémonie occidentale entre les XVIIe et XXe siècles. Notons que cette hégémonie n’est pas garantie au XXIe puisque les nations asiatiques (notamment la Chine) semblent en mesure de surclasser l’Occident dans la plupart des domaines stratégiques (17).

Si l’Occident a été sans conteste le centre d’impulsion du progrès scientifique depuis des siècles, il a été également celui de l’innovation en matière politique et sociétale : les « progrès » dont se félicite la gauche sont directement imputables à l’Occident. Si la plupart des civilisations ont eu recours à l’esclavage, les nations occidentales ont été à la pointe de son abolition. Par exemple, la France, qui a interdit l’esclavage sur son sol dès 1315 (édit de Louis X le Hutin), a aboli provisoirement l’esclavage dans ses colonies dès 1794 avant une abolition définitive en 1848. À l’occasion du congrès de Vienne, toutes les puissances européennes ont mis fin à la traite négrière transatlantique (alors que les traites intra-africaine et arabo-musulmane perdureront). L’Occident a été également à la pointe dans la promotion des libertés fondamentales (qui sont d’ailleurs une invention occidentale). Les révolutions anglaises (1642–1651 ; 1688–1689), américaine (1765–1783) et française (1789–1799) sont fondatrices de l’ordre politique moderne. Les États occidentaux sont les pionniers des Droits de l’Homme, du suffrage universel (expérimenté dès 1792 et jusqu’en 1814 en France) et des libertés individuelles. De la même manière, le mouvement d’émancipation des femmes trouve son origine en Occident. La création du terme « féminisme » (à la fin du XIXe siècle), la plupart des théories féministes ou le mouvement des suffragettes (au début du XXe siècle) rappellent le rôle éminent de l’Occident dans ce domaine. Le premier pays au monde à accorder le droit de vote aux femmes a été la Nouvelle-Zélande (en 1893). Les pays occidentaux ont également été les inventeurs de l’État social moderne : modèle bismarckien en Allemagne dès la fin du XIXe siècle, rapport Beveridge en 1942 (18), création de la sécurité sociale en France en 1945… Plus récemment, c’est aussi en Occident que les lois sociétales « progressistes » ont été initiées : les Pays-Bas (2001), la Belgique (2003) et l’Espagne (2005) sont les trois premiers pays à légaliser le mariage homosexuel (complètement tabou encore aujourd’hui dans la plupart des pays africains et asiatiques). L’Occident est donc depuis des générations le lieu de naissance et d’expérimentation des valeurs politiques les plus chères à la gauche.

Repentance, anti-christianisme et anti-capitalisme aux sources de la détestation gauchiste de l’Occident

L’anti-occidentalisme de la gauche repose sur un énorme paradoxe car c’est bien à la science occidentale que nous devons l’amélioration sans précédent de nos conditions matérielles d’existence (hygiène, campagnes de vaccination massive, éradication de la faim par l’agriculture productiviste (19), électrification…). C’est aussi grâce à l’Occident que la plupart des « progrès » sociétaux (si chers à la gauche) ont été possibles depuis plus de deux siècles : abolition de l’esclavage, libertés individuelles, Droits de l’Homme, émancipation des femmes, progrès sociaux, lois sociétales « progressistes »… Aucune autre civilisation n’a favorisé de manière aussi évidente les idéaux politiques de la gauche. La gauche peut d’ailleurs légitimement s’attribuer une grande partie de ces évolutions puisque ce sont pour l’essentiel des hommes de gauche qui ont théorisé et imposé ces changements. Mais il n’en demeure pas moins que tous ces « progrès » (ou presque) ont eu comme terreau les nations occidentales. Un militant de gauche conséquent devrait logiquement encenser l’Occident et son avant-gardisme « progressiste ». Mais paradoxalement, la gauche est presque toujours (avec des nuances) critique du passé de l’Occident.

Cet anti-occidentalisme se construit essentiellement sur une vision historique complètement biaisée qui souligne les violences commises par les puissances occidentales (traite transatlantique, colonisation…) sans jamais évoquer la violence des sociétés non-occidentales (bien souvent idéalisées). Au faîte de leur puissance à partir du XVIe siècle, les nations occidentales ont multiplié les ingérences, les interventions militaires et les conquêtes coloniales. Ce passé impérialiste fournit une matière inépuisable au discours critique de la gauche connu sous le nom de « repentance ». La repentance désigne une vision moralisatrice et culpabilisante de l’histoire d’un pays (ou ici d’une civilisation). Cette historiographie à charge est un élément fondamental si l’on veut comprendre l’idéologie gauchiste : dans l’imaginaire de gauche, l’histoire de l’Occident n’a rien de glorieux ; elle est une succession de crimes dont les Occidentaux d’aujourd’hui doivent se repentir. L’anti-occidentalisme de la gauche est la conséquence de cette repentance : en réduisant l’histoire de l’Europe de l’Ouest et des États-Unis à leurs politiques impérialistes (bien réelles puisque l’Occident a été pendant plusieurs siècles le centre géopolitique du monde), l’historiographie repentante de gauche alimente le ressentiment, la culpabilité et la haine de l’Occident.

Si cet anti-occidentalisme a des explications historiographiques (tendance à la repentance), il a aussi deux leviers idéologiques plus ou moins inconscients : l’anti-christianisme et l’anti-capitalisme. En effet, depuis son origine (pendant la Révolution française), la gauche est fondamentalement anticléricale, voire antichrétienne (20). L’Occident étant chrétien, la gauche a naturellement une méfiance pour cette civilisation : l’anti-occidentalisme est (entre autres) un anti-christianisme. À cet anti-christianisme l’extrême-gauche ajoute un anti-capitalisme virulent. Sachant que ce sont les nations occidentales qui ont porté (et parfois imposé aux autres continents) le capitalisme moderne, industriel et financier, la gauche anticapitaliste opère naturellement une « convergence des luttes » entre la dénonciation de l’Occident « impérialiste » et leur combat contre le capitalisme. La Guerre froide a conforté cette convergence car les États-Unis et leurs alliés d’Europe de l’Ouest ont été de facto les principaux défenseurs du capitalisme face au bloc soviétique. L’anti-occidentalisme gauchiste est aussi un anti-capitalisme.

Gilles Ardinat
17/08/2026

(1) Vladimir Illitch Lénine (1920), « La Maladie infantile du communisme : le gauchisme ».
(2) La crise d’adolescence a été l’objet d’innombrables études par des sociologues et psychologues. Le psychologue germano-américain Erik Erikson, élève d’Anna Freud, est aujourd’hui le plus fréquemment cité sur ce sujet (avec notamment sa théorie sur « le moratoire psychosocial »).
(3) Citons ici Génération.s (le groupuscule créé en 2017 par Benoît Hamon), Lutte ouvrière (parti trotskiste représenté par Nathalie Arthaud (jadis par Arlette Laguiller)), Les Verts (encore connus sous le sigle EELV), le Parti communiste français (PCF), La Jeune Garde (milice du député Raphaël Arnault), les NPA (Nouveaux partis anticapitalistes).
(4) Le ressentiment peut ici s’envisager dans son acception nietzschéenne, c’est-à-dire comme une frustration intériorisée conduisant, par une inversion des valeurs, à une morale réactive.
(5) L’ONU réclame des réparations pour les « torts historiques » de l’esclavage | ONU Info
(6) Ces bulles de 1452 et 1454/55 apportent au Portugal le soutien moral et spirituel de Rome dans sa politique d’expansion territoriale. Par exemple, Romanus Pontifex reconnaît au roi Alphonse V (1438-1481) « la pleine et entière faculté d’attaquer, de rechercher, de capturer, de vaincre, de soumettre tous les Sarrasins et les Païens […] et de réduire leurs personnes en servitude perpétuelle ». L’Assemblée générale de l’ONU considère clairement ces textes comme des justifications de la future traite négrière. Cependant, leur interprétation est largement débattue, certains historiens y voyant avant tout la légitimation de conquêtes et non une autorisation explicite de l’esclavage.
(7) Ce code, qui comprend notamment « l’ordonnance de mars 1685 sur les esclaves des îles de l’Amérique » promulguée sous Louis XIV, réglementait la pratique de l’esclavage dans les colonies françaises. Connu pour sa sévérité, il a été encore récemment au cœur de l’actualité puisque les députés ont voté symboliquement son abrogation le 28 mai 2026.
(8) Le tiers-mondisme désigne depuis les années 1960 le mouvement international de défense des pays du Tiers-monde (Amérique du Sud, Afrique, Proche-Orient et Asie du Sud). Cette idéologie, très marquée à gauche, considère que les pays développés sont responsables de la pauvreté des pays du Sud (esclavage, colonisation, néocolonialisme et mondialisation sont présentés comme les causes du mal-développement).
(9) De nombreux travaux historiques ont tenté d’évaluer l’ampleur des principales traites négrières (transatlantique, arabo-musulmane et intra-africaine). Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau (Les Traites négrières, 2004) a mené une approche comparative restée célèbre. Tidiane N’Diaye (Le Génocide voilé, 2008) souligne l’extrême violence de la traite arabo-musulmane (VIIe-XIXe siècles), notamment le recours massif à la castration des hommes noirs.
(10) Loi n° 2001-434 du 21 mai 2001 tendant à la reconnaissance de la traite et de l’esclavage en tant que crime contre l’humanité – Légifrance
(11) Fernand Braudel (1963), Grammaire des civilisations : Fernand Braudel et la Grammaire des civilisations (1963). | Espacestemps.net
(12) Philippe Nemo (2004), Qu’est-ce que l’Occident (PUF).
(13) Oswald Spengler (1918-1922), Le Déclin de l’Occident.
(14) Le 5 juillet 2026, Yazid Arifi s’est exprimé à l’occasion d’une réunion publique LFI : Yazid Arifi : « Désoccidentaliser la France, notre priorité politique »
(15) L’ensemble des lauréats sont listés, par discipline, sur le site : The official website of the Nobel Prize – NobelPrize.org
(16) Entre 1936 (création de la distinction) et 2022 (dernière édition), 64 mathématiciens ont été récompensés : 48 occidentaux (dont certains binationaux) et 15 non-occidentaux (3 Japonais (1954, 1970, 1990), 3 Soviétiques (1970, 1978, 1990), 1 Chinois (1982), 5 Russes (1994, 2002, 2006, 2010), 1 Sud-Africain (1998), 1 Iranienne (1994), 1 Israélien (2010) et 1 Ukrainienne (2022).
(17) Une étude australienne de 2023 souligne la montée en puissance technologique vertigineuse de la Chine : ASPI’s Critical Technology Tracker – ASPI
(18) Ce rapport, rédigé par le travailliste William Beveridge, est fondateur de l’idéal de l’État-providence.
(19) Le gauchisme, maladie adolescente (3/4) : les errements de l’agribashing
(20) Lorsqu’apparaît la distinction gauche/droite au début de la Révolution française, les députés de gauche ont initié une politique clairement anticléricale (nationalisation des biens du clergé, suppression de la dîme, constitution civile du clergé), voire de déchristianisation (suppression des ordres religieux, persécutions à grande échelle pendant la Terreur). Cette tendance est confirmée sous la IIIe République (lois scolaires de Jules Ferry, laïcisation de l’État et de la société). Le discours de la gauche et surtout de l’extrême gauche est aujourd’hui encore marqué par cet anticléricalisme historique.

Observador - Só faltava mesmo uma migração caótica de javalis (Tiago Dores)

 


(sublinhados pessoais)

Só faltava mesmo uma migração caótica de javalis

De Albufeira a Viseu, passando pelas praias de Setúbal, os bácoros estão a aparecer em todo o lado. E ninguém está preocupado em pôr ordem nisto, pelo menos até os suínos irem passear ao Martim Moniz

Meus caros, após profunda reflexão, desejo partilhar convosco o seguinte: “não podemos viver uma espécie de censura moderna em que as pessoas só conhecem, sabem e debatem os assuntos mais polémicos, os assuntos de pequenos incidentes, dos pequenos episódios, e deixar aquilo que é mais importante escondido em notas de rodapé ou mesmo omitido dos grandes espaços de veicular e comentar a informação.” Ora, tendo isto em conta, hoje vou falar de javalis.

Sem deixar de assinalar, no entanto, algumas coisas de pormenor, como o investimento “estratégico” de mais de 300 milhões de euros que o Governo de Luís Montenegro decidiu fazer na REN. Se, enquanto contribuinte, me dessem a escolher, teria optado por destinar essa parte dos meus impostos a um novo investimento dinamizado pelo príncipe da Nigéria, que, ao contrário dos governos portugueses, não tem no currículo outros belíssimos investimentos estratégicos, tipo TAP ou EFACEC. Já se a parte “estratégica” for comprar esta posição na REN só para, daqui a pouco, a revender a um investidor mais alinhado com os EUA do que com a China, aí retiro o que disse e volto já aos javalis.

Não sem antes mencionar aquela turista sueca que veio a Lisboa para testemunhar a luz única da cidade e que, por pouco, concluía se essa luz é mais ou menos única do que a luz ao fundo do túnel que testemunham os que passam para o lado de lá. Num instante, uma pessoa está a encher o bandulho com pastéis de nata; no instante seguinte, tem uma forte perceção de pontada no estômago, à qual é totalmente alheio o dito pastel.

E à qual não será tão alheia uma bala perdida. Disparada por um empreendedor do setor agrícola que comercializava louro prensado como droga e que atirou, ao que tudo indica, contra um rival do mesmo ramo de actividade, mas acabou por acertar na turista. O suspeito saiu em liberdade, talvez porque, sendo verdade que vender louro por droga pode consubstanciar o crime de burla, não é menos verdade que, só por mérito deste menino, já se perdeu a conta a quanta gente abandonou o consumo de drogas depois de ficar agarrada a ervas aromáticas ótimas para temperar bifes. Por falar em bifes, lembrem-me de falar nos javalis.

Ainda a propósito de pontadas no estômago, mas desta vez causadas pela fominha, celebrou-se há dias o centenário do nascimento de Fidel Castro, evento em que marcou presença o líder do ainda não extinto PCP. Paulo Raimundo assinalou que Fidel “deixou um rico e atual legado de reflexões, propostas inspiradoras e guias de ação”. Pois deixou. Por exemplo, se alguém quiser refletir sobre as propostas de ação inspiradoras que foram capazes de transformar todo um país numa grande ilha de lata, só pode chegar a uma conclusão: mais valia ser baleado, não fatalmente, a meio de um pastel de nata, do que ter a infelicidade de engolir comunismo durante décadas a fio.

Engolir que, enfim, me leva aos javalis. Que, de repente, de Albufeira a Viseu, passando por Abrantes e pelas praias de Setúbal, andam a aparecer por todo o lado. E ninguém parece minimamente preocupado em pôr ordem nisto. Pelo menos até os suínos pensarem em ir passear ao Martim Moniz. Aí é que vão ver se o regabofe não se acaba depressa, seus bacorinhos.

Mas lá está, os portugueses só sabem ver o lado mau das notícias. Em que outro sítio do mundo seria má notícia ter proteína de primeira, à solta pelas ruas e sem dono? Bastava andar com um grelhador no porta-bagagens e, ao cruzarmo-nos com ela, imobilizá-la — por meios humanos, como é óbvio, e não como o vendedor de louro prensado imobilizou a turista sueca — para depois a pormos a rodar no espeto. E enquanto nos deliciávamos com o petisco, já íamos delineando um plano de contingência para a próxima grande tragédia nacional: uma praga de lagosta a dar à costa.


Observador - Artur Baptista da Silva passeia-se por Cambridge (Jorge Fernandes)


 

(sublinhados pessoais)

Artur Baptista da Silva passeia-se por Cambridge

Questionar a biografia de alguém identificado com uma narrativa de superação e marginalização deixou de ser lido como rigor e passou a ser lido como hostilidade estrutural

Natal de 2012. O país estava em transe. O Passismo, dizia-se, destruía o tecido social e a economia, condenando Portugal a uma pobreza total da qual jamais se levantaria. Nesse ambiente, as Nações Unidas terão feito um relatório sobre a crise social na Europa do Sul dirigido por Artur Baptista da Silva, doutorado pela Universidade de Milton, Wisconsin, que a Lisboa bem-pensante recebeu de boca aberta durante semanas, até que uma ida ao Expresso da Meia-Noite revelou o óbvio: era um burlão de segunda, com um doutoramento falso e o mais perto que estivera das Nações Unidas terá sido uma visita guiada ao edifício.

Treze anos depois de Baptista da Silva, uma fraude inocente que pôs o país a rir naquele Natal de 2012, as fraudes estão por todo o lado. A mais recente e mais famosa foi a de Jason Arday. Vale a pena passar as credenciais de Arday a pente fino porque, sem dúvida, é um burlão de um calibre superior ao de Baptista da Silva. Nascido em 1985, Arday dizia ter sido não verbal até aos onze anos e que só aprendera a ler aos dezoito, o que não augurava propriamente um futuro académico brilhante. Para além disso, afirmara ter feito voluntariado para a WaterAid a instalar pontos de água na África do Sul e na América Latina, e que correra 30 maratonas em 35 dias, tendo sofrido, inclusive, um ataque epiléptico a meio da vigésima primeira maratona, que, ainda assim, concluiu. Com estas corridas, conseguira angariar mais de 5 milhões de libras para obras de caridade. Academicamente, Arday mostrou também ser um óptimo burlão. Depois de uma tese com inúmeras passagens plagiadas, dizia ainda ter sido, tal como o nosso Feliciano Duarte Barreiras, professor visitante na Ohio State University e na Universidade de Glasgow, além de afirmar ter uma cátedra honorífica em Durham, no norte de Inglaterra. Todas estas mentiras foram premiadas, para espanto de muitos, com uma Cátedra em Sociologia da Educação em Cambridge. Ao longo dos últimos anos, vários académicos e jornalistas começaram a alertar para a situação de Arday, que negava veementemente qualquer problema e, mais, ameaçava processar quem se atrevesse a falar sobre o assunto. Na semana passada, as mentiras foram demasiadas, e Arday acabou por demitir-se de Cambridge e, mais tarde, suicidar-se em Londres. Uma tragédia.

Como foi possível que tudo isto acontecesse? Convém dizê-lo com clareza: isto não é uma história sobre a maldade da imprensa de direita, por mais que alguns tentem agora vendê-la como tal, e o New York Times, jornal que dificilmente se pode suspeitar de enviesamento à direita, fez aliás um retrato minucioso das falhas de Cambridge neste processo. É antes a história de instituições intelectuais outrora eminentes a falharem a sua missão, sintoma claro de um declínio mais vasto e mais antigo.

Ao longo dos últimos anos, a academia, especialmente nas ciências sociais, mudou muito. Em primeiro lugar, a lógica que alguns denominam “métrica” na avaliação dos currículos académicos passou a ser vista com o mesmo desconforto moral que se reserva a um pecado confessável: coisa de editoras, de mercado, de um mundo em que ainda se contavam coisas para se avaliar alguém. Em seu lugar, prega-se hoje a avaliação “holística” dos currículos, palavra que, note-se, tanto pode significar rigor renovado como ausência total de critério, consoante o dia e o currículo em causa. É precisamente essa lógica que explica o caso Arday: não precisou de provar excelência académica, bastou-lhe contar uma história de adversidade (não-verbal até aos onze anos, analfabeto até aos dezoito, deficiência, pobreza) que a academia hoje trata como validação moral do mérito. A história substituiu, em larga medida, o escrutínio do trabalho, e o desaparecimento do chamado “Weird Nerd”, o excêntrico brilhante que outrora povoava os departamentos universitários, deu lugar a um tipo de indivíduo que tropeça na academia não tanto por amor à Verdade, mas por incapacidade de vingar em contextos corporativos. Em Portugal, este ataque frontal às métricas está bem vivo nas ciências sociais, e degrada-as até ao limite, naturalmente, com o bom e velho clientelismo que rege a vasta maioria nos concursos universitários em terras lusas.

Em segundo lugar, há uma inversão do ónus da prova: questionar a biografia de alguém identificado com uma narrativa de superação e marginalização deixou de ser lido como rigor e passou a ser lido como hostilidade estrutural. Não surpreende, por isso, que académicos e jornalistas tenham alertado durante anos sem que Cambridge agisse, e que a ameaça de processos judiciais tenha funcionado, com sucesso, como forma de silenciamento. Pior, mesmo depois da morte de Arday, há quem insista em explicar tudo pelo racismo estrutural, como se o escrutínio a que foi sujeito um burlão profissional só tivesse acontecido porque Arday era negro. A fraude confirmada transforma-se, por magia retórica, em mais uma prova da opressão do burlão. O caso Arday e esta desnaturação conformista mais vasta da academia são, creio, epifenómenos do mesmo problema de fundo: ambos a jusante da politização da vida académica ao longo das últimas décadas, que substituiu normas antigas, organizadas, ainda que imperfeitamente, em torno da excentricidade intelectual e da busca da verdade, por normas organizadas em torno da conformidade ideológica, do processo institucional e da vigilância das atitudes sociais e políticas aceitáveis.

Nada disto é acidental. Houve, na academia, uma tentativa sincera, mas mal dirigida, de corrigir, através de políticas de diversidade, equidade e inclusão, universidades estrutural e historicamente ocupadas pelas classes dominantes. Sou absolutamente contra o método, não contra o objectivo. A universidade é o ponto de chegada, o topo da pirâmide; gastar energia e dinheiro a torná-la mais diversa por decreto, ali em cima, é gastá-los tarde demais. Não seria mais justo, e mais eficaz, investir em apoiar crianças de classes mais baixas desde a infância, ao longo da escolaridade, para que cheguem à disputa por uma cátedra em condições de competir de forma limpa? É uma solução menos vistosa, rende poucos posts nas redes sociais, mas tem a vantagem incómoda de ser verdadeira. No final de contas, a classe continua a ser o grande determinante. Marx tinha razão.

Vejamos Claudine Gay, antiga presidente de Harvard, que se demitiu há dois anos no meio de um escândalo de anti-semitismo em que muitos preferiram ver racismo e sexismo puro. Será que Claudine Gay, filha de um dos homens mais ricos do Haiti, próximo do facínora “Papa Doc” que governou a ilha durante décadas, educada nas escolas privadas mais caras dos Estados Unidos, vem de um contexto de falta de privilégio? Terá sofrido mais do que um homem branco de classe média baixa, filho de operários, que nunca pôs os pés numa escola privada? Tenho dúvidas.

Baptista da Silva enganou Portugal durante semanas. Arday enganou Cambridge durante anos. A diferença não está no talento dos burlões: está no tamanho do escudo que a academia construiu à volta deles. Sendo Arday, no fundo, apenas um burlão, o seu caso deveria antes fazer-nos reflectir sobre as estruturas centrais da sociedade actual, e sobre como certos grupos conseguiram capturar o discurso progressista para, sob a pretensa bandeira da justiça social, guardarem, na verdade, o seu próprio privilégio.


terça-feira, 18 de agosto de 2026

Reflexão - Victor Davis Hanson (sobre o racismo nas Universidades)



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-tQxPQYGloY





The Spectator - The unspoken etiquette of plane seats

 

(personal underlines)

The unspoken etiquette of plane seats

Everyone has a position

(iStock)

Are you a ‘recliner’ or a ‘refrainer’? Do you ease your seat back on an aeroplane as soon as you can, or remain bolt upright and swallow your fury as the headrest in front is lowered a few inches from your nose? Or are you to be found in the slender oval on the Venn diagram; the waiting room between recliner and refrainer, hanging on until the food service has finished before caressing the recline button? Whose armrest is it? Nobody cares anymore. All anyone wants to know is will the person in front of them recline their seat? 

According to a survey published this year by travel website The Vacationer, more than 77 per cent of respondents think it rude to recline your seat fully, thereby transforming a seemingly innocuous act into one charged with social tension. Sprinkle in a heady dose of ‘airport disorientation’, and all bets are off. Steve Taylor, Psychology Lecturer at Leeds Beckett University, highlights the liminality of airports, calling them ‘zones of absence’. In other words: on an aeroplane, anything goes. What might cause you to blush on terra firma is barely an afterthought in the sky. There’s a reason they have a club a mile up there. 

The internet is chock-full of footage and reports of in-flight bust-ups about reclined seats. In 2024, Cathay Pacific banned a Hong Kong couple from its flights following the Hongkongers’ hostility towards a Chinese woman in front of them who reclined her seat.  In protest, the woman from Hong Kong reportedly stretched her legs out along the armrests of the reclining woman while her husband shook and pummelled the headrest. Uneasy relations between Hong Kong and China undoubtedly fed into the fracas but I did wonder momentarily whether stretching one’s legs out on armrests wouldn’t solve everything. It strikes me as a fair exchange: you recline, I stretch out, and together we form a sort of human jigsaw that wouldn’t look out of place in an El Salvador Mega Prison.  

As a nervous flyer, I have always been an accidental refrainer. I envy the soul that can relax and recline but I am forever monitoring the movements of the air stewardesses and analysing the overhead lights and in-flight sounds; my husband will no longer sit next to me on flights and I have come to accept that I will die alone – and upright. I have made my peace with this but also recognise that I am not a true Refrainer. A Refrainer is one who could easily paint obtuse angles with his headrest and yet chooses not to.  

A rare breed one might think? Well, not according to the same Vacationer survey on the rudeness of a reclined seat. Apparently, almost 46 per cent of those surveyed said they don’t recline their seat because they think it rude to do so. Really? I was staggered by this statistic, seeing virtually no evidence of refraining on recent short-haul flights where at least three-quarters of seats were reclined. I suspect one might start out prepared to take a stand (or seat) on reclining and then relent once the seat in front has been reclined and the back ache begins.  

As the pitch (technical term for the space between rows) decreases with every newly-designed aircraft, Joshua Rothman in the New Yorker points to the cynicism – and barefaced greed – of the airlines: ‘in economic terms, the airlines have sold the same inches of space twice – once to you, and once to the person behind you. It’s hard to get out of that bind.’  

But get out of it you can. In 1998, Ira Goldman, all six foot three inches of him, invented the ‘Knee Defender ™’. This ingenious device – two small plastic clips on which is printed in tiny script the rejoinder ‘Be courteous, do not hog space!’ – works by clipping on to the seat tray mechanism of the seat in front thereby (don’t ask me how) jamming its recline function. The device is so controversial that it has its own Wiki page and has been banned by most major airlines following an incident in 2014 when its deployment on a United Airlines flight resulted in a fight between passengers who were subsequently ‘deplaned’ off route. Goldman recorded a boom in sales of the Knee Defender ™ after the United Airlines affair. 

Interestingly, easyJet and Ryanair seats are not reclinable and as ‘fixed reclines’ are increasingly built into new fleets of aircraft, a major social division might cease to exist. While I will miss the opportunity to judge people on the tilt of their seats, I will be most sore if I never witness a Knee Defender ™ being fitted surreptitiously and the subsequent fireworks (or perfect, bloodless deception). I’m also still looking for a True Refrainer; the kind of person who endures the infraction of a seat being lowered into his face without blinking, without feeling the need to engage in the ‘chain reaction of seat reclination’ – a sort of Übermensch of aeroplane passengers. Find me that person and I’ll sit next to him on our last, doomed, flight together. 

Série - Le Prophète

 



The Spectator - It’s madness to sit exams on screens

 

(personal underlines)

It’s madness to sit exams on screens

Remember the simplicity of the pen and paper?

(iStock)

There is, says Colin Hughes, who is the head of the exam board AQA, no downside to switching pupils from written exams into a gleaming modern utopia of computerised tests. Students, he says, are baffled by the fact that exams don’t take place on screens. He also seems to think the poor dears won’t be able to type if they don’t take exams on computers, as if they weren’t competent enough to learn how to use a keyboard without them. What’s more, boring old exam papers, it seems, have been causing delays in providing results for schools: doing them on a screen would solve that problem instantly, and, shazaam, Johnny and Jemima can get their C minuses in Raffia Work almost instantly.

Sometimes I do wonder why certain people are so bedazzled by technology. We spend so much of our time trying to keep children away from computers: why force it on them in other situations? Well, I know the reason why in this particular case: it would obviously be oodles cheaper to feed pupils’ examinations into a computer, which can then be marked by AI, rather than hiring a lot of depressed teachers to wearily wade through one million essays on ‘The role of women in Of Mice and Men.’ 

But do these people not understand? Have they not, in recent years, been near a computer? Are they unable to contemplate the horrors that will unfold? There is something almost sanctified about an exam hall. Though I would imagine that few people look back with any kind of positive emotion at those long summers interrupted by frantic revision, I must admit that I did rather enjoy the challenges (and the stationery that accompanied it). Two uninterrupted hours in which to write an essay, or translate something, or solve a problem, in a situation which is entirely geared to keep you in monastic silence. There has been nothing like it since. 

The gentle rustle of papers as students turned over pages, mentally squaring up for the battle ahead; the occasional yawn or stretch; the careful tread of the examiners pacing up and down the ranks of desks in the sports hall; the ticking of the giant clock. Not a sound else; although I do remember my Greek A-level being punctuated by the excited bleats of the school farm’s flock of sheep.

A pen and paper exam is entirely straightforward. It requires nothing other than said paper and pen; little can go wrong in the time between paper being delivered to the school and handed in to the examiners. With only a pen in your hand and a piece of paper in front of you, the mind connects to the hand in a way which is uninterrupted and free flowing. This, surely, is what everyone is looking for when they talk about achieving a ‘flow state’. You can even settle into a state of inspiration as the ideas and sentences pour out. What’s more, it’s good for you. Countless scientific papers have shown that writing with a pen is quite simply the best way of retaining and processing information, partly because it’s one of the most complex tasks our brains can perform. 

Now picture the delightful scene which AQA wants to foist on students: a large, hot sports hall, packed with endless terminals (paid for by whom, I wonder, and no doubt already filled up with expensive AQA-approved software); wires trailing everywhere, ready to trip up the unwary; students trying to log on. ‘Sir, I’ve forgotten my password!’ goes up the cry. Once log on has been achieved, the flash of screens and the incessant clickety clack of the keyboards will dominate. And how far away from somebody would you have to sit in order not to spy on their answers? Would some kind of cubicle system have to be set up? Perhaps the PE teachers will have to be roped in to act as human shields. 

And that’s only if things are working. All it takes is one fuse, one computer crashing or not loading correctly, or one mischievous teen to switch off the plugs, and there are immediate problems. It also has an effect on the way that pupils process answering. Computer creep has already infected the 11+, with its horrible multiple-choice answers. How long before it is decreed that students will no longer have to do anything so difficult as write an actual essay, instead simply answering an endless, mindless series of questions with 4 possible answers: ‘What is the role of women in Of Mice and Men?’ A) Passive B) Active C) Essential D) Marginal. 
 
Exams set by machines, requiring machine-like answers, and marked by a machine: what a wonderful prospect. Any school with any sense should release itself from the bonds of the exam boards at once and return to the soothing scratching of pens.  

Livros comprados (Bidding)

 






Cartoon - Hermann (Jim Unger)

 






domingo, 16 de agosto de 2026

Livro - Le Crépuscule des lumières

 Pena não haver no espectro nacional, meia dúzia, sei lá, dois, pronto!, um livro que aborde estes temas...












The Spectator - Class clowns: the triumph of inanity over academia

 


(personal underlines, silent mockeries...and regrets!)

Class clowns: the triumph of inanity over academia

Daniel Defoe observed that plague victims ‘never perceiv’d that they were infected’ until they discovered the ‘tokens’ on their skin. By that point, ‘nothing could follow but certain Death’.

Something similar might be said of Britain’s universities. In recent days, the Jason Arday affair has captured the world’s attention because of its absurdity. But the humiliation of Cambridge is not an early sign of infection. It is just a particularly visible bubo.

At one level, Arday’s fall reveals how, even in our most elite universities, DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) dogma has warped intellectual standards to the point of madness. Yet a deeper examination reveals poor Jason to be merely a poster boy for the increasingly fetid system that is British higher education.

Take the London School of Economics (LSE), which has produced 21 Nobel Prize winners, was ranked number one in the UK by the Times Good University Guide last year and is internationally acclaimed for its teaching on economics, finance and politics. However, all first-year students must now take LSE100, the university’s ‘flagship interdisciplinary course’. Students may choose to study one of three modest questions: ‘How can we transform our climate futures?’; ‘How can we control AI?’; or ‘How can we create a fair society?’. One student described the course as ‘famous for being a massive waste of time’. What is lost in academic discipline is made up for in ideological indoctrination.

LSE students who opt to study ‘How can we create a fair society?’ discover a course description asserting: ‘As the expanding billionaire class increasingly dominates political systems, while gender and ethnicity gaps widen, the question of how to reach a fairer world is both urgent and contentious.’ Even stranger than the courses are the people who teach them. Among them is Dr Alex Frankovitch, whose PhD thesis was entitled ‘Fucking and Being Fucked: Towards a Sexual Ethics of Sex on Drugs’. One student recalls asking Frankovitch about Warren Buffett, only to discover that they (to use Dr Frankovitch’s preferred pronoun) had never heard of him.

Dr Carolina Are is, according to LSE’s website, a ‘digital criminologist… researcher-activist and content creator’ who won a Sexual Freedom Award in 2019. She gives lectures on reducing ‘online harms’ and ‘how we can control AI’. When not contemplating man’s struggle against machine, she is a pole-dancer and instructor. The website linked to her university profile contains her showreel and invites visitors to ‘learn a pole dance choreography, pole tricks, floorwork or twerk with me via Zoom!’ Sadly, Friedrich Hayek, the father of modern free-market economics, did not offer similar services when he taught at LSE.

Are is entitled to do what she wants in her free time. But what sets alarm bells ringing about her academic standing is that pole-dancing seems to be not just an outlet for relaxation, but the focal point of her research.

One of her most recent papers is called ‘“Sexy jail” and performative transparency: Evaluating shadowbanning notifications and appeals in Instagram’s Account Status amongst pole dancing content creators’. It examines the treatment of pole dancers, ‘a demographic greatly affected by algorithmic precarity in the creator economy’, and concludes that Instagram’s system has been ‘ineffective and discriminatory’. An important finding, no doubt, but is such material what LSE students signed up for? One student complains of having to be careful not to use any technical language in submitted work due to Dr Are’s lack of expertise.

When asked how students should put together a presentation for the course, to be assessed for their final grade, Dr Are allegedly answered: ‘I really hate when a white man gives the presentation… It’s just so boring.’ An LSE spokesperson said Dr Are ‘has a relevant PhD and is qualified to teach on the course’ and that she denies making the ‘boring’ comment.

It would be comforting to dismiss all this as an eccentricity peculiar to the LSE. But so many universities across the country are wasting student time in much the same way. At Exeter, you can study for an MA and PhD in magic and occult science. At Liverpool, you can pay £6,850 a year to do an MA in ‘The Beatles, heritage and culture’. At Falmouth, students can undertake a BA in ‘Esports & Livestreaming’ at the university’s ‘renowned Games Academy’.

Students of global sustainable development have previously had the chance to enrol in a ‘surviving the apocalypse’ module at Warwick. Given the growing instability of the world, that may sound potentially useful. Yet the syllabus suggests projects on ‘mushrooms and zombies’ and insists the course has a ‘subtle (?) but unmasked convenor neurodiversity (ADHD) guiding its set-up and delivery’. I’m not sure I’m sufficiently neurodiverse to understand what that means.

Students on all these courses are eligible for undergraduate or postgraduate loans. It’s impossible to know what percentage of that financial support will ever be repaid to the taxpayer.

And it’s not as if prudent students can escape the madness by pursuing more conventional subjects. Those studying English and comparative literary studies at Warwick, for instance, can pick up 15 credits by studying a module on ‘Queering the Literary Landscape: LGBTQ+ Literature and Culture in the Contemporary World’. Even a maths degree offers no refuge. Students at Edinburgh might be surprised to learn that the school of mathematics is committed to ‘decolonising’. The faculty claims that ‘the history of mathematics typically centres cisgendered, straight, white European men’ and recommends that students should take implicit bias tests.

Madness in the lecture theatre is just the more visible by-product of a much longer production line. Before students can study zombies, pole dancing and astrology, academics must first turn these subjects into recognised fields of research.

Earlier this year, a team of five researchers published a paper on ‘Decolonising the sciences: Enhancing the experience of staff and students from racially minoritised ethnic groups using LEGO® Serious Play®’. This work was the culmination of a study across three northern English universities in which 50 adult students, researchers, academics and professional staff were asked to build Lego models representing their experiences of racial inequality, institutional barriers and decolonisation. Participants constructed walls, ladders and bridges out of Lego as metaphors for racism. Somehow this childish activity now constitutes academic research.

There’s more. A researcher at Rose Bruford College, in south-east London, is investigating ‘the lack of career development support for established drag performers’. The project is intended to contribute ‘to drag studies as a growing academic field, addressing a current lack of attention about how to sustain this historically working class and popular performance form’.

Meanwhile, at Bath Spa, a senior lecturer in organisational behaviour and leadership has received a grant to investigate ‘cognitive and emotional costs of identity regulation among ethnically diverse early career professionals’. The project bemoans that ‘professions in the UK often promote values like competence, meritocracy and individual achievement, reflecting white and western norms’.

At least that’s privately funded. The government’s Department for Science, Innovation and Technology has just shelled out for a project at the University of Essex entitled ‘Towards a queer communism: Past, present and future horizons of liberation’.

None of this is new, of course. Frivolous and absurd studies have been pouring out of higher education institutions since at least the 1970s. In 2012, Robert J. Wallis of Richmond University published a paper analysing people’s experiences jumping on a life-size inflatable Stonehenge, concluding that ‘bouncing on the artwork-cum-plaything provided an immediate sensory and visceral experience which was meaningful in relation to the real Stonehenge’. This somehow gazumped Spinal Tap for Stonehenge silliness.

The difference today is that the rot appears to have spread throughout academia, from top to bottom. Even respected journals aren’t safe. I was surprised to find an article in Shakespeare Quarterly ‘refusing to celebrate’ the quatercentenary of the publication of the 1623 Shakespeare First Folio. The author reasoned that we should not be ‘dedicating our energies, at a time of international emergency, to the production of ever more scholarship on a 400-year-old book’. If this is really his view, we have to wonder what he is doing in the English department of Gonville and Caius, Cambridge.

The author goes on to blame the Folio for climate change, arguing that Henry and Emily’s Folger Shakespeare Library collection ‘was built from the money he made working for the Standard Oil Company and its later derivatives, which became the progenitors of ExxonMobil’. He then asks us to reflect ‘on the extent to which modern cultural dispensations float on an often unacknowledged reservoir of fossil fuels’. Drill, baby, drill.

Professor Jason Scott-Warren, who wrote the article, is the director of the Cambridge Centre for Material Texts. He supervises graduates on English and European Renaissance literature and has been arrested several times for his environmental protest actions.

Sane students complain that, even in more prestigious universities, it is nigh-on impossible to find a normal supervisor for a dissertation, so preoccupied is everyone with queering, decolonising or sticking themselves to motorway bridges. It’s a lot easier to condemn Shakespeare for causing climate change than it is to properly analyse his work.

We will never really know what is going on in lecture theatres and supervisions. The University and College Union has long objected to unannounced lesson observation to assess an academic’s competence and most students don’t complain. But in the pointless courses, the insane modules and the absurd journal articles, we can see the symptoms of a morbid university disease in this country.

Faculties and academics have all broadly been left to their own devices for decades. The Office for Students doesn’t regularly inspect what is happening inside university classes. Even after the introduction of the revised Teaching Excellence Framework, starting next year, no one will ask if academia is providing any valuable insight or skills.

Student finance has guaranteed cash flow for many institutions which, judging by the quality of their offering, should have gone under. But the sickness is terminal for some. This month, after years of difficulty, the University of Kent completed its merger with Greenwich. Greenwich’s vice-chancellor is CEO of the new ‘super university’ – a triumph for the former polytechnic.

It would be easy to rue the decline of a formerly prestigious institution. But a brief glance at how academics at Kent have spent their time and resources tells a different story. Why did they fund a study into ‘what drives sex toy popularity’ in 2023? Why is one of the senior lecturers in 18th century studies currently supervising a project on queer readings of fan fiction and the ‘omegaverse’?


It’s not all decay. Many universities still have healthy organs, uncorrupted by ideological inanity. Researchers at Kent, for instance, were responsible for developing the retinal-imaging technology now used in many hospitals, as well as genome sequencing parrots to understand beak and feather disease. Yet while scientists slave away, their peers in Kent’s Durrell Institute of Conservation and Ecology are busy publishing research about ‘racial and economic disparities in coastal access and engagement’.

Academia lacks a proper incentive structure. There is no higher authority to differentiate the value of curing cancer compared with producing yet another autoethnography. Trusts like Wellcome, and our own government, are happy to hand out grants for the latter without pausing to ask what it’s all for.

If your life’s great passion is the study of bouncy castles, pole dancing or writing essays on autoethnography, there ought to be nothing to stop you from working at Toys R Us, a gentleman’s club or the Guardian. But these people have all chosen to pursue academia. They are attracted to the status it confers. This was the world in which Jason Arday thrived. His colleagues at Cambridge were carrying out research on how fairy tales can break the gender binary in playgrounds or writing ‘a self-portrait of an artist who teaches’. Is it really surprising that his error-ridden thesis didn’t stand out against this backdrop?