sábado, 21 de fevereiro de 2026

The Spectator - Why won’t the BBC use the word ‘Jews’?

 

(personal underlines)

Why won’t the BBC use the word ‘Jews’?

I was intrigued to learn from the BBC Today programme on Tuesday that ‘buildings across the UK will be illuminated this evening to mark Holocaust Memorial Day, which commemorates the six million people murdered by the Nazi regime more than 80 years ago’. Who were these unfortunate ‘people’, I wondered? Just anyone at all? Was it a wholly indiscriminate spot of slaughter? I have some vague memory that it was one race in particular that was singled out for extermination, but the BBC dared not say their name.

In fact, the sentence I quoted is wholly inaccurate: the ‘six million’ figure relates only to Jewish people. If you include the homosexuals, Sinti, Roma, disabled and Russian prisoners of war, then you would have to come up with another figure – some say as many as 11 million – who were murdered by the Nazis.

Meanwhile, the Holocaust Memorial Trust is a little clearer about the business. ‘We commemorate the six million Jewish men, women and children murdered during the Holocaust, and the millions more murdered under Nazi persecution. Prejudice still continues today within our communities and across the UK.’

Sho’ nuff does indeed, not least within the BBC. I suspect that it, like the left in general, is uneasy about a commemoration dedicated to one specific group of people, especially that group of people, a group of people to whom they perhaps do not feel kindly disposed. One might infer that from their speed at conferring the title ‘genocide’ on the war in Gaza, being thus unable to distinguish between tens of thousands of people killed via missile attacks during a prolonged war and a deliberate and stated policy to wipe out an entire race, of which the six million was just the start.

If you cannot distinguish between those two rather differing scenarios then I would suggest you are either an idiot or an anti-Semite or, more likely, if you’re writing the BBC news bulletins, both. If we were to confer the title genocide upon Israel’s war in Gaza then we would also be obliged to do so for the UK’s carpet-bombing of German -cities as the second world war drew to a close, or the Vietnamese Tet Offensive in January 1968, or even the (successful) attempt by Millwall’s Bushwackers to take Bristol Rovers’ home end in the late 1970s.

I am not trying to be facetious here. Genocide refers to the deliberate attempt to wipe out a race. It should not refer to acts of aggression in which innocent civilians are killed or, in the case of Millwall’s assault, hurt. We can condemn them all, as we see fit, but to describe them as genocide is a category error which, in the case of Gaza, has been made solely for political reasons. The fact that post-Marxist halfwits who festoon the United Nations make the same category error does not dissuade me too much from this point of view. Rather, the reverse. Nor are Palestinians, or Bristol Rovers supporters, a ‘race’. The Palestinians are an Arab ethnonational group. I’m not sure how one should describe Bristol Rovers fans, but they are certainly not a race.

This is how lies get propagated, by what might seem the slenderest of infractions. You gerrymander the vocabulary, you change the story – and right now, I would suggest, the left is attempting to do so on a number of fronts. You will be aware that anti-Semitic attacks have been at their highest level in the UK since records began and a subtle change in how we describe the Holocaust gently feeds into that climate of racial hatred. The BBC is not alone, of course, in such derogations. The decision of the West Midlands Police to prevent Israeli fans of Maccabi Tel Aviv from supporting their team during a cup tie at Villa Park in Birmingham was anti-Semitic, I think. The Jews in Birmingham just didn’t have the clout to sway the minds of either the idiot of a police commissioner or the coppers themselves: their needs were considered subsidiary to volatile members of the Muslim community who had, police were told, suggested they would ‘arm themselves’, turn up and kick their heads in. The police then took a decision which was utterly devoid of principle in order to placate a local mosque and groups that have a history of hosting anti-Semitic speakers. This loathsome amalgam have bought into the ideas of democracy and plurality of thought less eagerly than maybe we hoped they might.

But it is not just the Jews who feel the brunt of it. Nothing, now, must inflame our rapidly – almost exponentially – growing Muslim minority, in case some of them get cross and start ‘arming themselves’ all over the place. A Ukip protest planned to be held in Whitechapel, east London, has been effectively banned by the Metropolitan Police from taking place. The Met said: ‘The conditions prevent anyone taking part in the Ukip protest gathering in the London borough of Tower Hamlets. They have been imposed to prevent serious disorder and serious disruption. Breaching the conditions, or encouraging others to do so, is an arrestable offence.’

Now, I don’t doubt that the Ukip march was intended to be provocative. But that is not the point. The resident population should be inculcated in the virtues of tolerance and turning the other cheek, rather than clamouring that the march should be banned simply because they do not like the look of it. They should be told that over here, we have – or had – freedom of speech and freedom of protest. Once this principle was cherished by our Establishment – I remember the ludicrous figure of the National Front’s Martin Webster performing a solo walk through Hyde, Manchester in 1977, protected from assault by 2,500 coppers. That Webster was odious was not the point: freedom of speech and assembly must be protected. But those days are long gone.

Polemia - L’Europe, zone occupée !

(soulignements personnels)


L’Europe, zone occupée !

L’Europe, zone occupée !


Une zone de souveraineté limitée et de déclin

En zone occupée, l’État prélève plus de la moitié de la richesse nationale pour la redistribuer à sa guise, au profit de ses clients, pour les enfermer dans la dépendance.
En zone occupée, en effet, on ne produit quasiment plus rien, car l’industrie et l’agriculture ont été détruites par la mise en œuvre du libre-échange, des délocalisations et par la multiplication des réglementations, notamment écologiques, et des charges. La croissance économique y est donc plus faible et le chômage plus élevé que dans le reste du monde.
En zone occupée, les gouvernements ne font plus que de la figuration, car les vraies décisions sont prises par des autorités placées hors de portée du suffrage populaire. Les gouvernements ne sont donc plus au service des peuples — ce serait du populisme — mais ils obéissent aux commandements d’une oligarchie néoconservatrice et hors sol.
En zone occupée, « il ne peut y avoir de choix démocratique contre les traités européens » : donc c’est le régime de la souveraineté limitée qui s’applique comme autrefois au sein du Pacte de Varsovie, au temps de l’URSS. Les peuples de la zone occupée n’ont pas le droit de remettre en cause son idéologie ni sa direction. Les élections ne servent donc plus à rien.
En zone occupée, ce sont les minorités qui imposent leurs préférences aux majorités, réduites au silence.
En zone occupée, les étrangers qui s’y installent ont les mêmes droits sociaux que les citoyens autochtones, voire des droits supérieurs, s’agissant notamment de la gratuité de certaines prestations. Car la préférence nationale est assimilée à une discrimination interdite.

Une zone de liberté conditionnelle

En zone occupée, les gouvernements réunis en conseil peuvent décider de placer sous sanction toute personne qui diffuse des informations ou des positions qui leur déplaisent, et cela sans procès équitable. La personne placée sous sanction voit notamment ses comptes bloqués et ses avoirs saisis, ce qui ne lui permet plus de payer ou de recevoir un salaire. Si elle réside à l’étranger, on lui interdit l’accès à la zone occupée.
En zone occupée, les banques peuvent clôturer les comptes des dissidents, sans fournir la moindre justification.
En zone occupée, l’État peut fermer une télévision qui lui déplaît et interdire un spectacle ou une manifestation au prétexte d’empêcher que des propos contraires à la loi seraient susceptibles d’être tenus. Car en zone occupée, c’est la loi et le juge qui définissent ce qu’on a le droit de dire, de publier, de montrer, de faire ou de rire : on y vit donc sous un régime de liberté conditionnelle.
En zone occupée, les droits que les traités européens reconnaissent ne s’appliquent pas à ceux qui contestent les objectifs de l’oligarchie. Toute personne qui conteste les affirmations et les actions des gouvernements de la zone est réputée relever de l’extrême-droite, de l’action souterraine d’une puissance étrangère ou de la désinformation par les réseaux sociaux. Car, en zone occupée, les opinions contraires sont assimilées à des délits ou à des maladies (à des phobies).
En zone occupée, c’est le juge qui décide de la vérité historique et de ce que les parlementaires ont le droit de voter.
En zone occupée, on peut poursuivre une personne pour des propos qu’elle aurait tenus dans un cadre privé. On peut aussi la poursuivre pour des messages qu’elle a diffusés ou rediffusés sur Internet et qui critiquent le gouvernement ; la police peut alors perquisitionner son domicile et saisir son matériel informatique. On peut même l’emprisonner.
En zone occupée, les gouvernements peuvent demander aux fournisseurs d’Internet de censurer certains contenus ou certains mouvements, sous peine de sanctions financières importantes. Ils encouragent pour cela la délation par le biais d’associations militantes qui ont pour fonction de surveiller le net en permanence.
En zone occupée, les juges peuvent interdire à un candidat de se présenter à une élection locale, législative ou présidentielle. Voire annuler un scrutin qui déplaît.
En zone occupée, les gouvernements s’efforcent de supprimer la monnaie fiduciaire pour contrôler toutes les transactions de la population. Et de tout numériser pour conserver trace de tout.
En zone occupée, on peut être condamné à la prison pour un excès de vitesse sur la route, car l’automobiliste individuel y est suspect par principe.

Une zone de propagande continue

En zone occupée, la population est soumise à une propagande de tous les instants, notamment via le système médiatique et publicitaire.
En zone occupée, on doit respecter toutes les religions, sauf le catholicisme. On ne doit pas souhaiter, par exemple, un Joyeux Noël mais de Joyeuses Fêtes.
En zone occupée, il faut être russophobe, sinophobe et ne pas critiquer l’OTAN, sinon on risque l’accusation d’intelligence avec une puissance étrangère.
En zone occupée, ceux qui critiquent l’islam, l’immigration ou l’insécurité peuvent être accusés d’incitation à la haine et à la discrimination. Et ceux qui critiquent la politique de l’État d’Israël en Palestine risquent d’être accusés d’antisémitisme et d’apologie du terrorisme.
En zone occupée, demander à un immigrant de parler la langue du pays peut être assimilé à un « crime de haine ».
En zone occupée, les races humaines sont réputées ne pas exister ; en conséquence de quoi le racisme anti-blanc n’est pas reconnu par les juges.
En zone occupée, il est interdit de dire qu’un homme ne peut être enceint, car il faut affirmer que le sexe biologique n’existe pas.
En zone occupée, avorter est considéré comme un droit de la femme. Et tuer les personnes âgées malades est présenté comme un geste humanitaire. De toute façon, on recommande aux autochtones de ne pas faire d’enfant pour « sauver la planète ». Et pour faciliter l’arrivée de nouveaux immigrants.
En zone occupée, on encourage à l’école le questionnement des écoliers sur leur sexe et on organise des lectures à destination des jeunes enfants, par des personnes travesties.
En zone occupée, les politiques et les intellectuels n’ont de cesse d’accuser les Européens de tous les péchés du monde, de diaboliser leur civilisation et d’effacer leur religion. Brandir un drapeau national quand on est autochtone est d’ailleurs de plus en plus assimilé à un geste d’extrême-droite.

***

Ouvrons les yeux.
L’Union Européenne a trahi les espoirs placés en elle en devenant la prison des peuples européens et en instaurant la dictature d’une oligarchie globaliste qui poursuit un projet néoconservateur qui nous conduit au désastre dans tous les domaines.
Et en devenant une zone de servitude où les Européens autochtones ne sont plus maîtres ni de leur territoire ni de leur destin.
Et c’est d’ailleurs bien ainsi que le reste du monde, le vrai monde libre donc, nous perçoit désormais avec une répulsion croissante et justifiée.
Il est temps de mettre fin à cette mortelle occupation.

Série - Cemitério Indio

 






No próximo dia 29 de Janeiro irá estrear na RTP2 a série Cemitério Índio, de título original Cimetière Indien.

O projeto francês acompanha Lidia, que se encontra no auge da carreira, mas que se vê obrigada a encarar o passado e a reviver uma investigação de 1995. Na altura, Lidia, uma jovem e ambiciosa recruta de uma unidade antiterrorista, tinha sido enviada até à cidade de Péranne, na Riviera Francesa, para investigar o assassino de um imã, uma espécie de sacerdote muçulmano. Aí começa a trabalhar juntamente com Jean, um polícia local assombrado pelas suas memórias dos tempos da guerra da Argélia. Agora, passados 25 anos, o súbito desaparecimento de Jean e um conjunto de assassinatos macabros semelhantes ao caso do passado, levam a personagem principal a regressar a Péranne. Sendo agora Jean o principal suspeito, Lidia irá colocar a sua carreira e vida em risco para provar a inocência do seu antigo colega ao mesmo tempo que revela segredos e mentiras da cidade que todos achavam já estar enterrados.

Com realização de Stéphane Demoustier e Farid Bentoumi, a série de oito episódios conta com um elenco constituído por nomes como: Mouna Soualem, Olivier Rabourdin, Denis Eyriey, Idir Azougli, Marina Dol, Hafsia Herzi, Kamel Mahjoubi e Rémi Pedevilla.


The Spectator - Trump’s lessons for Europe

 (personal underlines)


Trump’s lessons for Europe

‘In Caracas, Trump did more in a day than orthodox diplomacy was able to achieve in the past decade’

Donald Trump’s dramatic intervention in Venezuela has achieved much more than to bring a brutal, corrupt dictator and drug trafficker to justice in an American court of law, something which no amount of human rights declarations, international law or indictments in the international criminal court were able to achieve.

It took President Trump deciding it was in America’s interests to helicopter Nicolas Maduro to face justice, and this is the awful truth that Europe’s political leaders are coming to terms with: Trump has the means and the will and they don’t.

Europe’s growing geopolitical impotence in the world is becoming the issue now, and histrionics about Greenland is confirming this brutal reality. The future of Greenland is being misunderstood. Trump is not going to ‘invade’ it. He doesn’t need to. He’s already there. What will happen is that the threats to Arctic security posed by China and Russia will crystallise in European minds, performative statements about ‘sovereignty’ and Nato’s future will fade, and serious discussion will take over. Together, the US, Denmark and other allies will address how the Arctic region is properly secured with a considerably beefed-up role and status and military deployment by America.

The bigger issue is how both sides of the western coin – America and Europe – are going to establish a modus vivendi in this Age of Trump.

This era (of which, as I argued in September in my Ditchley annual lecture, Trump himself is more consequence than cause) is coming to terms with myriad conflicts going on in the world at the moment. Their handling, and the larger struggles and confrontations on the horizon, are all made more complicated by the fact that, for a long time, the ‘rules-based system’ beloved of foreign offices, thinktanks and academic seminars has effectively not existed. 

President Trump is not some populist disruptor bent on destroying it; it ceased to have meaning before he was elected. He has not single-handedly broken up the postwar ‘global order’: if that ever fully existed, it started to evaporate two decades ago when China emerged as a great power contesting the US-led unipolar world. Under Xi Jinping, China is no longer prepared to accept the status of junior partner. The implications of this new bifurcated world can be seen in Ukraine, where colonialist Russia is backed by Chinese diplomatic power, Iranian technology and North Korean fighters.

As ambassador in Washington, I had a ringside seat as the Trump administration made sense of this world and how it is changing America’s outlook and global role. I am afraid I don’t think, even now, that European leaders have adjusted to the revolution under way. They are guilty of a lazy interpretation of ‘America First’ to mean ‘America Alone’, even though President Trump is expending huge effort to end the war in Ukraine and has acted in a decisive way to halt the conflict in Gaza, where he remains committed to the vital ‘phase two’.

Europe is transfixed by the Truth Socials coming out of the White House but without following the arguments underpinning them. When these were brought together last month in the administration’s National Security Strategy, Europe’s reaction was one of horror that America’s allies were allegedly being relegated and America’s European security guarantee apparently discarded.

They would do better to ask themselves why the US is making an adjustment and how they, as America’s allies, can mitigate its consequences and offset the transfer of American resources elsewhere. In other words, how and when the piggybacking stops and Europe starts assuming its full military and financial responsibilities beyond fine words – which is what they amount to in most cases at the moment, notwithstanding the future ‘military hubs’ promised by Britain and France to Ukraine.

Presently, Europe’s consideration of the hard military power and reliable diplomatic muscle it needs to bring to the table is being masked by outpourings about a sheriff president who does not follow conventional practice or a traditional diplomatic rule-book. Europe’s leaders need to ask themselves whether this is because it is intrinsically wrong for a US president to take powerful, unilateral actions or because Trump and his playbook trigger a particular and instinctive allergic reaction in Europe’s capitals.

In Caracas last weekend, as earlier last year in the case of Iran’s nuclear enrichment facility at Fordow, Trump did more in a day than orthodox diplomacy was able to achieve in the past decade. This is likely to continue in the Age of Trump, so what are America’s allies going to do: use hard power and hard cash to increase their relevance and influence or continue to slide into unimportance?

Britain’s interests and those of other liberal democracies lie in how we harness the power of the US to continue safeguarding the principles – if not always the letter – of the UN Charter. This will mean accepting that Trump’s decisive approach when faced with real-world situations is preferable to the hand-wringing and analysis paralysis that has characterised some previous US administrations or, indeed, the deadlock and prevarication that so often characterise the UN and the EU respectively.

In the meantime – and this should worry us more in Europe – MAGA reservations about foreign ‘interventionism’ will stiffen as pressure mounts on Trump to focus on pocketbook issues rather than foreign policy. Hopefully, this pressure will not get the better of Trump’s attention to Ukraine, Gaza and, as is coming down the track, Iran’s democratic transition.

The Spectator - Why would anyone want to rule Greenland?

 (personal underlines)

Why would anyone want to rule Greenland?

US vice president JD Vance on a visit to Greenland last year (Getty images)

It was the Viking, Eric the Red who, in AD 986, first saw Greenland’s potential. He wanted to colonise his newly-discovered island, and in a blatant piece of tenth-century spin-doctoring hit on a wizard wheeze to encourage other Norse people to come to this bleak, icy and remote corner of the unknown world:

‘In the summer, Erik left to settle in the country he had found, which he called Greenland, as he said people would be attracted there if it had a favourable name.

More than a thousand years later, US president Donald Trump is proposing something similar.

‘It’s a large real estate deal. Owning Greenland is vital for US security… and economic security… It’s an absolute necessity and I cannot assure you that we would not use military or economic coercion.

That may sound outlandish. But Trump’s ambition isn’t new. America has controlled Greenland before: during the Second World War, it became a de facto US protectorate. The US has also previously sought to buy Greenland; in 1946, it offered $100 million in gold bullion; around $7 billion in today’s money.

For now, Greenland belongs to Denmark. But Denmark’s ownership of Greenland is itself a piece of bare-faced colonialism, as a glance at their policy of forced assimilation in the 1940s and 50s makes clear. As a result, the Danes are much resented by most Greenlanders. 

Greenland has been moving towards independence almost as long as it has been a colony of Denmark. They were granted Home Rule in 1979. This was expanded to full self-rule with the 2009 Self-Government Act – legislation that also handed Greenland the right to declare independence. Today, Denmark retains control only of defence, foreign affairs, and monetary policy. The 2023 Greenlandic constitution explicitly commits the island to independence; and in his 2025 New Year speech, Greenland’s prime minister, Múte Egede, called for an end to ‘the shackles of colonialism’ and a future shaped by Greenlanders themselves.

The final umbilical cord linking Greenland to Denmark is the annual block grant of 3.9 billion kroner (roughly £410 million), making up about 19 per cent of Greenland’s GDP. But to put that in perspective, it is less than the amount annually spent by the US on the city of El Paso, Texas. And it is minuscule compared to the mineral wealth Greenland could one day command in partnership with a deep-pocketed ally, of whom there are at least three: America, China and Russia.

China, in particular, has shown intense interest. At one point, Beijing proposed a $2.5 billion (£1.8 billion) investment in a Greenlandic mine (more than the island’s entire GDP), which would have brought in 5,000 Chinese workers. Then they proposed massive infrastructure investments, including a deep-sea port and two international airports. These would require capital which would leave Greenland beholden for all time. Denmark and the US, unsurprisingly, blocked these plans.

So why are the great powers so keen to own Greenland? Natural resources are a big reason why. The great powers’ unashamed lust for Greenland’s rare earths is but one element of a global race to control the production of the strategic minerals which are essential components of batteries, phones, electric vehicles and all modern computing devices. It’s about silicon, germanium, phosphorus, boron, indium phosphide, gallium, graphite, uranium, copper, lithium, cobalt and nickel, among others. He who controls their production holds the key to the digital globe.

Odd as it may sound, it’s also about Taiwan. Taiwan manufactures over 60 per cent of the world’s semiconductors and more than 90 per cent of its most advanced chips. If China were ever to carry out its threat to invade Taiwan (which some observers think may be imminent, perhaps encouraged by Donald Trump’s daring raid on Venezuela), it would gain near-total control of the global microchip supply. Do we really want to be dependent on China for every phone, computer and electric vehicle produced in the West?

The US needs to develop chip-making capabilities comparable to Taiwan’s. To achieve this it needs reliable sources for the 50 or so critical minerals required. And Greenland holds concentrated quantities of 30 of them, amounting to a considerable chunk of the world’s total rare earth reserves. But the reality is that with a population of just 57,000 – many of them Inuit fishermen and hunters – Greenland lacks the industrial infrastructure to extract these minerals. Both China and the US would be keen to fill that gap.

Another great attraction of Greenland is its strategic position. As the ice melts – at a rate of as much as 270 billion tonnes per year – several strategic sea routes are being opened up. The world is waking up to the potential strategic value of Greenland, the largest non-continental island on Earth. Greenland controls the top end of the Greenland–Iceland–UK Gap. This area is crucial to Nato submarine surveillance and was vital in resupplying Europe during WWII. It also hosts the Thule Air Base (now renamed Pituffik Space Base), an essential part of US air defence and missile early warning systems. Any Russian missile strike on the US would pass directly over Greenland. Since 2017, Thule has housed a key ballistic missile detection system, with nearly $4 billion (£3 billion) in upgrades recently approved.

The increasingly ice-free Northwest Passage skirts Greenland’s shores. There’s even talk of a deep-sea port to serve the emerging Northern Sea Route or NorthEast passage), either in Iceland or – just possibly – in East Greenland. In 2019, Mike Pompeo called Arctic sea-lanes the ’21st-century Suez and Panama Canals.’ If the US controlled Greenland, it would control access to these routes as well.

So yes: Greenland’s strategic value to the US is unambiguous, and Washington is determined to keep rivals at bay. In October 2024, the US and Greenland issued a joint statement pledging deeper cooperation on many of these critical issues. While an outright purchase may be politically impossible, other options exist. These include a Compact of Free Association, similar to agreements the US has with other strategically placed Pacific nations. These can deliver economic and security benefits to both parties. Trillions of dollars of Wall Street investment in mineral extraction would surely follow.

Trump’s call to ‘buy’ Greenland sounds outlandish – even offensive – as with so much of his rhetoric. But beneath the bombast may lie the bones of a deal: one that could benefit the predominantly Inuit population, while delivering enormous strategic and commercial gains to the United States.

In its 1,000-year recorded history, Greenland has been a Viking colony, an abandoned Inuit wilderness, a territory traded between powers, a wartime protectorate, a Danish province, and now an autonomous country edging towards independence. Whatever comes next, Greenland must find a way to harness its vast resource wealth while preserving its fragile culture and ecology. Greenland cannot be sacrificed to short-term capitalism – but it can, and must, find a way to benefit from it. If managed with wisdom and care, the coming years could bring not only prosperity to Greenlanders, but a global model of sustainable extraction and indigenous self-determination.

America, China and Russia may want Greenland. But perhaps Greenlanders need them just as much?

segunda-feira, 16 de fevereiro de 2026

Polemia - Arithmétique médiatique : 2 Américains supérieurs à 30 000 Iraniens

 


soulignements personnels

Arithmétique médiatique : 2 Américains supérieurs à 30 000 Iraniens

arithmetique-mediatique-2-americains-superieurs-a-30-000-iraniens.webp

Les deux morts, victimes d’inexcusables bavures à Minneapolis, aux États-Unis, ont été bien davantage traités par les médias français se voulant dominants que les 30 000 — ou peut-être plus — victimes de la répression bouchère de Téhéran.
Cela ne surprendra que ceux qui n’ont pas compris que rien n’est innocent et que tout est récupéré.
Pierre Boisguilbert

1. Hiérarchie médiatique et message politique
2. Les chiffres de l’immigration comme frein au récit
3. Renoncements internationaux et retour du réel

Hiérarchie médiatique et message politique

Le massacre iranien n’est pas porteur pour l’idéologie médiatique. Il met en cause un régime certes condamné, mais jamais vraiment diabolisé, car toute critique pourrait être exploitée par les « islamophobes », qui sont partout en France. Pour les médias, c’est un terrain miné.

En revanche, Minneapolis est le sujet rêvé : il permet de dire du mal de Trump et de sa politique migratoire. Mais l’essentiel est ailleurs, dans le message subliminal : regardez ce qui arrivera si les partis populistes hostiles à l’immigration accèdent au pouvoir en France — certes — mais peut-être aussi dans certaines villes. Tous les citoyens, au-delà même des étrangers, seraient alors en danger de mort du fait de l’application d’une politique répressive.

Les chiffres de l’immigration comme frein au récit

La montée en puissance de cette argumentation a toutefois été freinée par la publication des chiffres sur l’immigration légale. En 2025, plus de 380 000 ressortissants extracommunautaires ont obtenu un premier titre de séjour, près de 40 000 de plus qu’en 2024 (+11 %), selon une estimation rendue publique mardi 27 janvier par le ministère de l’Intérieur.
Cette hausse, précise Le Monde, correspond à une progression continue des flux migratoires puisque, depuis 2011, le nombre de premiers titres a doublé. Au total, 4,5 millions d’étrangers (hors Union européenne) résident aujourd’hui en France de façon régulière, principalement des ressortissants du Maghreb, suivis de Turcs, de Britanniques, de Chinois et d’Ivoiriens.

Parmi les nouveaux détenteurs de titres, 92 000 personnes ont été admises au séjour pour un motif humanitaire (asile, étranger malade…), contre 56 000 en 2024 (+65 %).
Un point particulier mérite d’être souligné. Une note de la Fondapol et de l’Observatoire de l’immigration et de la démographie montre que les Afghans sont devenus la première nationalité des demandeurs d’asile après les Ukrainiens. Un phénomène « massif, récent et inattendu par son ampleur », note le rapport élaboré par l’Ofii.
Cette analyse est confirmée par les derniers chiffres publiés : la France a accordé 384 230 premiers titres de séjour en 2025, soit une hausse de 11 % sur un an. Les principaux pays d’origine des demandeurs ont été l’Ukraine, la RDC et l’Afghanistan (environ 11 500 demandes chacun).
Ce sont là des arithmétiques que la gauche n’aime pas, qu’elle minimise ou occulte.

Renoncements internationaux et retour du réel

Pour l’Iran, pas question de devoir d’ingérence ni d’intervention humanitaire. Cela, c’est bon pour les petits pays — Serbie, Irak ou Libye. Pour l’Iran, on se contentera de se donner bonne conscience.
« Une réflexion est en cours avec nos partenaires européens sur la désignation des Gardiens de la révolution comme organisation terroriste », a indiqué la porte-parole du gouvernement français, Maud Bréjon.
Le bras armé idéologique de la République islamique d’Iran est pourtant accusé par les organisations de défense des droits humains d’avoir orchestré la répression meurtrière du vaste mouvement contestataire qui secoue le pays.

Mais, d’une manière ou d’une autre, on est toujours rattrapé par ses lâchetés, comme nous le rappellent les Kurdes, que l’on a trahis une fois de plus, et dont plus personne ne parle afin de ne pas froisser les djihadistes en cravate au pouvoir.
Récit effroyable pourtant dans Paris Match :
« Une dizaine de soldates des Unités de protection de la femme (YPJ) ont les yeux rivés à la télévision. La mine sombre, elles assistent en direct à l’écroulement d’un rêve pour lequel elles ont tout sacrifié. Sur l’écran, les mauvaises nouvelles défilent : la ville de Kobané assiégée, les flots de déplacés, les centaines de camarades tombées au combat.
Dans ce marasme, la commandante Ariane a longtemps guetté un signe de soutien de l’Occident. En vain. « Tout le monde nous a abandonnées », lâche-t-elle, sidérée.
À ses côtés, Ezda tire simultanément sur une vapoteuse et une cigarette. Elle nous montre une compilation de vidéos où l’on voit ses sœurs d’armes scalpées, leurs cadavres profanés. Sur une autre, des soldats hirsutes de l’armée syrienne promettent d’offrir à leur « émir » des combattantes capturées lors de la prise de Raqqa — douloureux rappel du calvaire de milliers de femmes yézidies, réduites en esclavage sexuel à l’époque du califat.
La démonstration par l’horreur qu’« il n’y a aucune cohabitation possible avec ces monstres », assène-t-elle. « Comment voulez-vous que des femmes comme nous vivent avec des hommes comme eux ? Nous incarnons tout ce qu’ils détestent, et inversement. »
Comme toutes ses camarades présentes dans la pièce, Ezda conserve sur elle une grenade destinée à se suicider pour ne pas être prise vivante. »
Et la conclusion est un avertissement, sans aucune compassion :
« Les attentats vont se multiplier en Europe. Et je ne suis pas désolée pour vous. »
Mais le danger qui nous menace, selon les médias dominants, reste la politique migratoire de Trump… à Minneapolis.

Pierre Boisguilbert
29/01/2026

The Spectator - The Birmingham Maccabi scandal proves multiculturalism has failed

 

(personal underlines)

The Birmingham Maccabi scandal proves multiculturalism has failed

Anti-Israel demonstrators outside Villa Park (Getty images)

Imagine if a UK police force had information suggesting white supremacists were planning to attack black football fans from overseas. Imagine they suppressed that information. Worse, imagine if their solution to this sickening threat was to ban the black fans from coming here, effectively giving the menacing supremacists exactly what they wanted: a ‘black-free’ zone.

It would be one of the great scandals of our time. Leftists would be swarming the streets. The front pages of the press would fizzle with furious condemnation. There would be calls for an inquiry. Heads would roll. Well, the moral equivalent of the above has just taken place, and we’re seeing no such reaction. I’ll tell you why: because the victims in the real-world event are ‘just Jews’.

The Maccabi Tel Aviv scandal grows larger and more alarming every day. The latest discovery is that West Midlands Police were not being entirely truthful when they said concerns over ‘Maccabi hooliganism’ were the main reason they banned Maccabi fans from their team’s clash with Aston Villa in November last year. No, they were also aware of a sinister threat from within Birmingham itself against these Jews from Israel.

The force had been informed that elements within Birmingham’s Muslim community felt an intense hostility towards Maccabi fans, and what’s more that it was a bigoted hostility, based on the fans’ nationality. They were also informed that some of these Islamist bigots wanted to ‘arm’ themselves in order that they might bash a few of these Jews from afar.

And yet the police chiefs ‘failed to disclose’ this information. Unbelievably, they chose to focus on the threat apparently posed by the Maccabi fans themselves. They continually said ‘Maccabi hooliganism’ was the reason they barred these foreigners from Villa Park. This ignited a firestorm of Israelophobia on social media, with swarms of haters praising the police and denouncing the ‘racist’, ‘genocidal’ hooligans from the Jewish state.

It can feel hard to comprehend the seriousness of this. A British police force, in the 21st century, post-Macpherson, failed to disclose relevant information about a violent hateful threat against a group of people on the basis of their national heritage. They chose instead to emphasise, incessantly, the supposed threat posed by the targets of this animus that was bubbling up in Birmingham: the Maccabi fans, the Israelis, the Jews.

To respond to information about potential anti-Jewish violence by banning Jews is a moral outrage. It is to do the bidding of bigots. It is to conspire in the creation of the very thing these warped people dream of: a space without Jews. As Kemi Badenoch says, the cops in Birmingham ‘knew extremists were planning to attack Jews’ but their response was to ‘blame and remove Jewish people’.

This was cultural appeasement. West Midlands Police made a choice, consciously or otherwise. They decided that placating the bigoted fury of local Islamists was more important than guaranteeing the safety of visiting Jews. They prioritised the irrational feelings of extremists over the right of Israeli Jews to visit Britain. If they had done this in relation to any other ethnic group, they’d already be out the door.

The mismatch between the size of this scandal and the limp response to it feels alarming. The Times has done a great job digging for the truth. Nick Timothy has been heroic in holding West Midlands Police to account. The Home Affairs Committee made a good fist of grilling the West Midlands chiefs on Tuesday. But where are the protests? Where are the angry thinkpieces in the liberal press? Where are the reports on BBC News at Ten?

Many are saying the police chiefs’ positions are untenable now. I agree. But this goes deeper than that. This scandal makes clear that the ideology of multiculturalism itself is untenable. It confirms that sectarianism is the bastard child of this divisive ideology that too often prioritises ‘cultural stability’ over truth and freedom.

Just as people in power turned a blind eye to the ‘grooming gangs’, lest they should unwittingly stir up multicultural tension, now it seems police downplayed a threat of potentially ‘armed’ violence against Jews in order to placate an Islamist mob. Any ideology that demands the suppression of truth, the silencing of working-class girls and the banning of Jews is an ideology worthy only of contempt. Those chiefs need to go, and so does the ideology that fuelled their scandalous appeasement.

domingo, 15 de fevereiro de 2026

Observador - Um país à espera das Forças Armadas que a própria lei impede de agir (Rodrigues do Carmo)

 


(sublinhados pessoais)

Um país à espera das Forças Armadas que a própria lei impede de agir

O problema é um Estado que, perante a lama, a chuva e o caos, ainda acredita que a solução é criar mais uma comissão e andar tudo a correr como baratas tontas. Quando tudo falha, chamamos um almirante

No rescaldo da tempestade Kristin, Portugal descobre, de súbito, que as Forças Armadas existem.  Este tipo de descoberta acontece, normalmente, quando há desfiles, incêndios, cheias ou, como agora, uma tempestade que varreu postes, árvores, telhados, casas, vidas, e a compostura nacional.

E então, invariavelmente, surge a proverbial pergunta televisiva, dita com ar de quem acaba de resolver a quadratura do círculo:

— “Mas os militares estão nos quartéis a fazer o quê?”

A frase sai com um tom meio indignado, meio infantil, como se as Forças Armadas fossem um grupo de escuteiros pagos pelo Estado, prontos a correr para onde o primeiro “popular” ou pivot televisivo, aponte o dedo.

Mas convém, antes de berrarmos ordens aos batalhões pela televisão, perceber o pequeno detalhe de que as leis do país, infelizmente, não obedecem ao telejornal das oito.

Comecemos pelo básico, que raramente passa no rodapé das notícias.  O Governo decretou o “estado de calamidade”. Que não é guerra, nem golpe, nem lei marcial, mas simplesmente um regime administrativo da Protecção Civil. Manda o Governo e coordena a Autoridade Nacional de Emergência e Protecção Civil.

O que fazem as Forças Armadas? Apenas o que lhe mandam fazer, nem mais nem menos um milímetro. Os militares não são um corpo autónomo que decide que “hoje vamos limpar árvores em Leiria”, porque nos apetece. Só actuam quando formalmente requisitados. E quando actuam, fazem aquilo para que a lei os autoriza, isto é, logística, engenharia, comunicações, transporte, hospitais de campanha, geradores, pontes, desobstruções. Não policiam ruas, não fazem segurança pública, não substituem autarcas, não tomam conta de municípios.

Ainda estamos numa democracia e num estado de direito, por mais que isso aborreça certos comentadores. Nestes casos o protagonismo é da polícia, da GNR ou da Protecção Civil.

É verdade que o espectador doméstico, sentado no sofá, imagina o Exército como um botão vermelho: carrega-se e aparecem cem Unimogs, trezentos geradores e dez helicópteros em cinco minutos. Mas infelizmente, a realidade é menos cinematográfica e mais jurídica. Para cada escavadora há ordens, seguros, regras de empenhamento, cadeias de comando, responsabilidades. É que se um soldado derruba um muro privado, alguém paga. E o Estado, entidade que todos insultam, mas de que todos vivem, gosta de saber quem assina.

A expectativa popular é emocional, “façam qualquer coisa, pá!”, mas o Estado é processual: “ora primeiro preencha o formulário de requisição 27-B”. O choque entre expectativa e realidade é inevitável.

E depois há o nosso desporto nacional da guerra das quintinhas. Cada organismo defende o seu território como se fosse o Império Romano. A Protecção Civil não gosta que a GNR mande, esta não gosta que a PSP se meta, a PSP detesta que o Exército apareça, a Câmara não gosta que Lisboa interfira e Lisboa não gosta que alguém lhe estrague o PowerPoint.

O resultado são  cinco chefes, sete comunicados, índios sem nenhuma coordenação e a árvore continua caída na estrada. Noutros países, mais habituados a calamidades sérias, delimita-se a zona e nomeia-se um único comandante operacional, não um grupo de WhatsApp ou um saco de gatos de quintinhas.  Um responsável com autoridade real sobre todos os meios ali presentes:  militares, bombeiros, polícia, técnicos, máquinas. Ele chega à zona, monta um posto de comando, instala comunicações e começa a mandar. É simples, antigo e eficaz.

Mas por cá preferimos o método lusitano: reunião, sub-reunião, despacho, contra-despacho, e quando finalmente alguém decide, já passou a calamidade seguinte.

Talvez valesse a pena criar um ou dois comandos permanentes de resposta a catástrofes. Com um pequeno estado-maior multidisciplinar, treinado, com meios próprios, capaz de se instalar rapidamente numa zona afectada e assumir a coordenação total. Sem ciúmes institucionais, sem concursos de protagonismo, sem o presidente da junta a dar ordens ao coronel, ou o chefe dos bombeiros a receber ordens do sargento.

Mas isso exigiria três coisas raríssimas em Portugal: organização, humildade burocrática e unidade de comando. Não temos nada disso e é por isso que a televisão pergunta onde andam os militares, quando a resposta é simples: estão exactamente onde a lei manda que estejam, à espera de ordens formais, integrados num sistema que lhes ata as mãos com fita vermelha.

O que nos leva ao momento de ironia histórica que devia envergonhar o país.

Recordemos a vacinação COVID. Meses de confusão, agendamentos perdidos, centros vazios, outros cheios, telefonemas, plataformas, gabinetes, task forces, comissões, subcomissões, e a eterna dança das cadeiras. Até que alguém teve a revolucionária ideia de chamar um almirante. E, milagrosamente, quando apareceu um militar com método, disciplina e cadeia de comando, as vacinas começaram a entrar nos braços à velocidade de uma linha de montagem.

Descobriu-se, com espanto, que mandatar uma pessoa para decidir é mais eficiente do que reunir vinte para bolçar palpites. Mas não aprendemos nada. Resolvido o problema voltámos ao normal, cada qual no seu feudo, a guardar o carimbo. Por isso, da próxima vez que ouvirmos um comentador indignado a perguntar “o que fazem eles nos quartéis?”,já sabemos a resposta simples:  cumprem a lei.

O verdadeiro problema é um Estado que, perante a lama, a chuva e o caos, ainda acredita que a solução é criar mais uma comissão e andar tudo a correr como baratas tontas. E quando tudo falha, chamamos um almirante para organizar o que vinte ministérios não conseguiram.

Observador - Os três blocos ou uma procissão de impotências (Miguel Morgado)

 


(sublinhados pessoais)

Os três blocos ou uma procissão de impotências

Montenegro dividiu a política portuguesa em três “blocos”. À partida, a declaração é inofensiva; acontece que por vezes há descrições que escondem prescrições tácitas para a acção.

Ainda há poucos dias, na Assembleia da República, o Primeiro Ministro fez questão de dizer à nação como vê a situação política actual. Repetindo uma habitual saída retórica do Governo, Montenegro dividiu a política portuguesa em três “espaços” ou “blocos”: o da “esquerda”, o da “direita” e o “central”, sendo este o do PSD/Governo. À partida, a declaração é inofensiva e imune a comentários. Se são apenas factos, o que há a acrescentar? Acontece por vezes que há descrições que escondem prescrições tácitas para a acção.

Por um lado, a simples constatação aparece agora como uma resignação. Nesta formulação, a política portuguesa divide-se em três partes todas separadas entre elas, e sem que uma se intrometa na esfera que cabe à outra. Sugere rigidez no apoio político da sociedade a cada bloco e fronteiras gravadas na pedra. Da parte do governo, ajuda a justificar por que é que negoceia medida a medida, ora com a “esquerda”, ora com a “direita”, sem necessidade de entendimentos duradouros com “blocos” estranhos ao seu, com cada “espaço” no seu proverbial galho, por assim dizer.

Mas ao mesmo tempo reconhece ao Chega que a esfera da direita é sua. Como o Governo já tem uma, rende-se o eleitorado e os temas políticos de uma área política inteira a um partido seu concorrente. Se somos do centro, diz o PSD, o que iríamos fazer à direita? É difícil conceber uma maior consagração da dilatação galopante da força eleitoral do Chega dos últimos 2 anos. À absurda reivindicação de Ventura de que ele “lidera a direita”, o PSD responde: por favor, não se faça rogado; não seremos nós a impedi-lo; nós somos apenas os vizinhos do lado. O reconhecimento de um bloco da “direita” onde o PSD não está, nem quer estar, recorda as piores estratégias do partido desde a sua fundação.

No contexto actual, situar o PSD no “centro”, ou no “bloco central”, pode sugerir a alguns um aceno de virtude política, por um lado, e de conforto eleitoral futuro, por outro. Afinal de contas, não é no “centro” que está a virtude, longe de “extremismos” que as noções de “esquerda” e “direita” sugerem? Quem pode contestar no clima político que se vive que o “centro” vale como sinónimo de “moderação”, imputando automaticamente “imoderação” aos adversários? Não é verdade que a maioria dos votos está sempre no “centro”, o que tornaria a recompensa eleitoral de quem se situa no centro sempre vencedora? Não vale a pena perder tempo com o desmantelamento destas ilusões, gastas pelo uso, pelo tempo e pelos resultados.

Mas, independentemente dos benefícios ou malefícios para o PSD de um posicionamento que proclama a inércia e a complacência como trunfos estratégicos, o que resta daqui é a cristalização de um impasse do sistema político enquanto tal. Caminhamos para uma paralisia à francesa e veremos se não com fracturas sociais idênticas no futuro. Quando o (marginalmente) maior partido do sistema, no caso o PSD, sela as fronteiras entre “blocos” com os quais não se pode entender, nem cujas respectivas esferas políticas pretende invadir, proceder a uma tal constatação e posicionamento é comprometer-se com esse impasse. É renunciar à responsabilidade – que é sua mais do que dos outros – de tentar rompê-lo. É abraçar a tarefa absurda de contribuir para mantê-lo.

Sucede que, como a França nos ensina, deixar o sistema político cristalizar esta paralisia, que se camufla com as cores de um equilíbrio inocente, é encomendar sarilhos nacionais muito sérios. Nunca é boa ideia deixar que o sistema político produza apenas uma procissão de impotências. A política nacional torna-se apenas num desfile de protestos que deixam de vir apenas da oposição formal, mas assumem a orientação geral de quem está no Governo também. Uns não deixam governar, os outros não podem tolerar que quem precisa deles queira governar sem eles. Como a tese dos três “blocos” recomenda gavetas onde cada um se sente arrumado, perde-se a ambição de falar, representar e governar para os eleitorados que a mesma tese entrega como população em enclaves aos blocos onde não nos situamos. É certo que, para os propósitos de gerir a próxima semana, fica assim tudo muito certinho para explicar a impotência de cada um. Mas governar é incompatível com confissões de impotência.

Observador - O Estado, esse grande educador da juventude (Helena Matos)

 



(sublinhados pessoais)

O Estado, esse grande educador da juventude

Tenho uma discordância de fundo face a um estado que não faz o que deve, não cumpre os seus deveres inalienáveis nem exerce os seus poderes insubstituíveis e depois quer substituir-se aos pais e mães.

Estava o país debaixo de água, com ministros, Presidente, autarcas, militares e autoridades civis andando de açude em açude diante de câmaras de televisão, quando o parlamento entendeu votar um diploma apresentado pelo PSD que proíbe o acesso às redes sociais de crianças até aos 13 anos e condiciona a autorização parental esse acesso àqueles que têm entre 13 e 16 anos,

Note-se que os senhores deputados consideraram ser de tal forma grave a calamidade que se estava a viver em Portugal que eximiram o primeiro-ministro de ir ao parlamento mas não lhes chocou votar um diploma que interfere com a família e os direitos e os deveres dos pais num momento em que ninguém daria pela falta de discussão sobre o assunto. Nada que surpreenda: há décadas que sucessivos governos põem e dispõem sobre a família, com a arrogância de quem se considera superior e melhor informado que as famílias, essa instituição que na impossibilidade de substituir há que iluminar, no sentido jacobino do termo.

Nos últimos anos este intervencionismo estatal na família tem-se acentuado e traduzido num constante activismo legislativo. Tivemos a questão das crianças trans, questão essa que não duvido será um dos grandes escândalos do nosso tempo, a que se seguiu a luta pela constitucionalização do direito ao aborto em países onde o aborto já não é uma questão. Agora chegou a vez da proibição do acesso às redes sociais pelos adolescentes. Sim,  a mesma sociedade cujas instituições dizem que a Luísa aos 10 ou 11 anos já sabe que é Luís, pretende agora que a Luísa/Luís corre sérios riscos nas redes sociais e como tal o acesso a essas redes deve ser-lhe vedado.

É inesgotável o absurdo emocional e legal criado por estas catadupas de legislação determinadas pelo activismo-legislativo a que hoje se chama governar. Veja-se o caso francês em que está proibida de ter acesso às redes sociais a mesma Martine que aos 14 anos pode abortar sem que os seus pais sejam sequer informados. Repito, em França, a Martine aos 14 anos pode abortar não só sem a autorização dos seus pais como até sem que eles sejam informados do facto: Si vous êtes mineure, vous pouvez choisir de demander le consentement de vos parents ou de votre représentant légal qui pourra vous accompagner dans votre démarche d’IVG. Cependant, si vous souhaitez garder le secret, l’IVG est pratiquée à votre seule demande. Dans ce cas, vous devez vous faire accompagner dans votre démarche par une personne majeure de votre choix.”  Presume-se que os pais da Martine serão chamados caso o aborto corra mal e a Martine precise de cuidados médicos que não serão certamente assumidos pela pessoa adulta (seja ela quem for!) que a Martine escolheu para a acompanhar quando foi abortar. Já para ter acesso às redes sociais a Martine tem de esperar pelos 15 anos.

Portanto num dia, os pais não são chamados para nada, noutro antes pelo contrário. Idem para as crianças e jovens que num dia são tratados como adultos e noutro enfiados numa redoma.  Não morro de amores pelas redes sociais, partilho as preocupações dos demais com o tempo que as crianças e jovens levam diante dos ecrans mas tenho enormes dúvidas sobre as vantagens e a viabilidade de criar um mundo aparte para os adolescentes em vez de os tornar aptos para o mundo que de facto existe. E sobretudo tenho uma discordância de fundo em relação a um estado que  não faz o que deve, não cumpre os seus deveres inalienáveis nem exerce os seus poderes insubstituíveis e depois quer substituir-se aos pais e mães. Que, sinal dos tempos, temerosos de exercer o seu papel, nem lhes parecerá mal que o estado lhes diga o que devem proibir ou permitir aos filhos.

Como era de esperar o diploma apresentado pelo PSD passou. Contou com o apoio do PS, PAN e JPP. Dentro em pouco outro assunto ainda mais virtuoso substituirá este, por ventura com o objectivo de proibir os pais de proibir…   Um dia isto rebenta como os açudes.