sábado, 27 de setembro de 2025

Cartoon (Engenharia Civil)

Grandes cartoons! Grandes cabeças!


 


Livro - O Laboratório progressista e a Tirania dos Imbecis

 João Maurício Brás em jeito de Douglas Murray...

Finalmente, completamente objectivo.

















Séries - Troppo

 Série australiana, compaisagens inusuais, assim como o argumento não "americanado"






Reflexão - O "Estado" Palestiniano (LBC)

 Sobre o reconhecimento do "Estado" palestiniano: dúvidas?...




Vetvals - jantar sem treino!

 Um sinal dos tempos? Marcar-se um treino, haver falte de quorum e jantar de seguida?...



Machado, Pires, eu, Zé Azevedo, João, Barroso, Amorim, Luis Costa, Alfredo

Música - Festival Bluegrass na Trafaria

 








The Spectator - Will we resist the bacteria of the future?

 (personal underlines)


Will we resist the bacteria of the future?

Due to the chronic overuse of antibiotics, the proliferation of certain impervious strains now represents one of the world’s most urgent health threats

Every doctor can remember a time when bacterial infection laid waste to their patient with hair-raising speed and virulence. The most indelible for me occurred a decade ago during surgical night shifts. Again and again I was called to the bedside of a young woman with the ‘flesh-eating bug’, or necrotising fasciitis. By the time she’d presented to A&E, a recent graze to her leg was causing such disproportionate pain that her family had been forced to carry her. When the surgeons opened up the limb, they found carnage. Group A streptococcus – a bacterium that benignly colonises the throats and skin of millions of us – had burrowed from the graze into the deepest tissues, where it dissolved flesh with the ease of battery acid. Not even the most heroic operations could save her, let alone anti-biotics. Great swathes of thigh and pelvis were amputated in a series of ever more desperate surgical debridements to try to get ahead of the infection. By the end of the second night, the young woman was dead.

The maiming and killing power of bacteria hangs darkly over every page of Dangerous Miracle. This riveting book by Dr Liam Shaw, a computational biologist at the University of Bristol, has the essential hallmarks of all good science writing: boundless enthusiasm, ingenious metaphors and the effortless distillation of complex ideas into crisp, clean prose. Shaw presents the rise and fall of antibiotics – arguably the single greatest medical advance of the 20th century – as a ‘thoroughly modern story of technological hubris’. It’s impossible to disagree.

First, the decades of toil and tenacity. In 1928, the British bacteriologist Alexander Fleming discovered that a spore of the Penicillium fungus, drifting by chance on to a petri dish in his London lab, had mysteriously eradicated the staphylococci bacteria he grew there. He realised that a substance produced by the fungus – he called it penicillin – had the miraculous property of killing bacteria. Having worked as a field doctor in the first world war, Fleming had witnessed the gruesome effects of bacteria. Soldiers risked an agonising death by putrefaction once bacteria had torn through the skin’s barrier. As Shaw puts it: ‘In war, people kill people and bacteria take care of the rest.’

Fleming strove in vain to extract penicillin from the ‘mould juice’, and it took the advent of the second world war to galvanise the efforts needed to produce the drug in therapeutic quantities. In Oxford, fungal gloop was feverishly brewed using milk churns, copper cooling coils, a steel bathtub, a bronze letter box and even an old bookcase scavenged from the Bodleian Library. Obtaining one daily dose of penicillin – about 60 milligrams – required fermenting about 70 litres of raw broth. At last, in February 1941, penicillin was administered to a policeman who was ‘oozing pus everywhere’ from wounds sustained in a German bombing raid. The entire global supply of penicillin was used in one go – but it worked.

Once the value of penicillin for treating injured soldiers was clear, the US government instigated a ‘race against death’. Fleming’s strain of Penicillium mould was flown in suitcases to the Midwest, where microbiologists and agricultural scientists joined forces to refine production. By the end of the war, a drug that had once been so scarce it was worth 250 times as much as gold was saving thousands of soldiers’ lives. Penicillin, a miracle of human ingenuity, had triggered ‘a transformation in human history without precedent. Within just a few decades, the world’s worst infectious diseases could be cured’.

But there was a catch. Almost as quickly as microbiologists unearthed more antibiotics from fungus in soil, doctors discovered they didn’t work for every patient. Certain strains of bacteria produced chemicals that enabled them to resist attack. The more that anti-biotic use killed the susceptible bacteria, the more the resistant bugs could thrive and spread, meaning the powers of the magic bullets waned over time. As early as 1954, a British doctor speculated that the proliferation of antibiotics might prove their downfall: ‘We may run clean out of effective ammunition. Then how the bacteria and moulds will lord it!’

This is, Shaw warns, the alarming state which humanity is fast approaching. Anti-biotic resistance has become one of the world’s most urgent global health threats. Already it is responsible for more than a million deaths each year – of people who should have survived had their infection been susceptible to treatment. In part, the problem is overuse. The first antibiotics were marketed as a panacea and gleefully pumped into almost every product imaginable: toothpaste, nasal sprays, shaving balm and even animal feed. Drug companies scoured the planet for the most obscure samples of soil possible, hoping to find the next penicillin in one of them. Pfizer recruited Arthur Sackler – of Oxycontin infamy – to help them sell their new drug Terramycin by pitching it as the world’s first ‘broad spectrum antibiotic’. (It wasn’t. It was almost identical to another new drug already on the market, Streptomycin, but the truth never stopped Sackler.)

Today, the system of patents that is meant to incentivise pharmaceutical companies to develop new drugs actively deters them from investing in antibiotics. Why pump money into a drug that is usually taken for only a few days when there are billions to be made from common chronic conditions such as diabetes or obesity? What is needed, as one pharmaceutical developer is quoted as saying, is recognition that antibiotics, unlike other drugs, are the

fire extinguishers of medicine. Imagine if the manufacturers of fire extinguishers only made money when one of their products was used to put out a fire. That would be absurd. But that is the situation for antibiotics: pharmaceutical companies only profit if they are prescribed.

Shaw concludes with a call to arms. Unless we want to return to an age when bacterial infections were a frequent death sentence, we need radical responses to this market failure. For, like fire extinguishers, the value of new antibiotics lies in their availability, not in their use. They need to be there in the event of a crisis – the emergence of a bug against which nothing else works. So should they be funded differently, through a subscription model, for example, as opposed to a fee each time a dose is purchased from a drug company? Or could governments collaborate to develop new antibiotics together – acting in the common good, just as they have done with the International Space Station?

These are fascinating ideas in need of urgent attention. In combining the passion of Robert Macfarlane with the incisiveness of Patrick Radden Keefe, Shaw has announced himself as a brilliant new voice in science writing.

The Spectator - The glorious campness of Reform

 (personal underlines)


The glorious campness of Reform

It’s a very serious and rancorous time in Britain. Social strife is simmering. The asylum system is at breaking point. The lines on the economics graphs are all going in unsettling directions – the ones you’d prefer to see going down are going up, and vice versa.

And inevitably the Overton window is shifting. Though perhaps not in the way any of us expected. Reform is currently odds-on to form the next government. Nigel Farage’s party meets for its conference in Birmingham this week at 35 per cent in the polls. But that’s not because it’s bracingly right-wing. Or not just. It’s because Reform is camp. At a time when misery reigns, lanyard-class moralising is everywhere and the ‘grown-ups’ have so obviously stuffed everything up, we want a cheeky, up-yours, never-mind-the-knockers revolt against our agonisingly earnest political masters. This is the panto Overton shift.

Reform seems to grasp the appeal of camp instinctively. From Farage on down, there is a glorious kind of naffness about the party. There was his AI-created gangster rap promotional video, in which a fur-coated, blinged-out Nigel struts his stuff in a choreographed routine before Clacton Pier – ‘Prime minister of the pub and pint’. We have the Farage-branded ‘Reform FC’ no. 10 football top, which sold 5,000 units in one day. At the big Reform event unveiling the party’s deportation plans, he stood in front of a massive airline departures board marked ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS BOARDING.

The rest of the party has run with the camp ball too. There is a strong aesthetic of fluffy TV to the operation. Reform’s new chairman, Dr David Bull, is a former host of WatchdogTomorrow’s World and Most Haunted Live! On his press round for the new role, Bull revealed to Richard Madeley on Good Morning Britain how he had once been strangled by a ghost. Just perfect.

Reform seems to attract celebs of the daytime bargain-basement variety. TalkTV host Russell Quirk is standing for a council seat in Brentwood. Jeremy Kyle is to host a roving mic at the Reform conference. Other Reform, or Reform adjacent, names include Holly Valance, Thomas ‘bosh’ Skinner and the king of panto himself, Christopher Biggins.

We’ve forgotten that the low-rent bonhomie and chubby-cheeked mirth that we see with Reform – that is Britain. All the progressives’ cancelling and thought-policing worked for a while, because it chilled and intimidated. The progressive activists thought they could win the culture war simply by saying that they had won it. Now the John Bulls and Greasy Joans are stirring again.

GB News, Farage’s home from home, has leaned into the cheery aesthetic. It comes naturally. We’ve seen Farage himself beginning a striptease accompanied by Right Said Fred performing a rendition of their 1991 hit ‘I’m Too Sexy’. Firebrand host Patrick Christys shifts seemingly effortlessly between fervent diatribes about the state of the nation to ‘cute’ content about his recent marriage to his co-host Emily Carver and their imminent baby. Tune in to GB News at random and you’re more likely than not to find a celeb in the studio.

A friend and I used to play a little game of trying to imagine the Platonic ideal of a Reform-related GB News segment – e.g. ‘Vicki Michelle of ’Allo ’Allo! and Timmy Mallett join Ann Widdecombe to discuss the latest OBR figures’. But reality kept outpacing us. The apex of all this was when Farage was joined in Barnsley by Paul Chuckle of the Chuckle Brothers, to be serenaded by Bell & Spurling, who got to no. 7 in 2001 with the football ditty ‘Sven Sven Sven’. On this occasion, they had penned a paean to Farage titled ‘Nigel Says’ – ‘Nigel says just how it is’.

Reform is also not shy of physical grandness and eye-catching stunts. One of its new councillors, Sarah Lang of Trevethin in Pontypool, recently arranged a ‘big community clear-up’ litter-picking exercise, attired in a tight garment that displayed her generous bosom to full effect. No doubt Farage is keeping abreast of all these developments.

The crucial thing about Reform is that it is mostly not self-aware. Being self-aware isn’t camp. It’s arch, or worse, ‘campy’. Farage is not this. He loves what he is and is what he loves – gloriously, unembarrassedly seaside and suburban. Interestingly, in Tim Shipman’s third Brexit book, No Way Out, he describes a Leave Means Leave event in Doncaster where Farage’s current deputy, Richard Tice, ‘wanted people on stilts, he wanted jugglers and he wanted camels… he wanted a whole circus because he thought this would be a fantastic way to get the media drawn in’. But this is too artful, too orchestrated, too knowing. When you set out to do this deliberately you run the risk of straying into Ed Davey territory. The Lib Dem leader’s watery stunts during last year’s election campaign were too calculated to be camp. He looked as if he was trying too hard. Camp, conversely, really means it. It has an essential innocence. So, despite appearances, yes, Lee Anderson is camp, but only in that sense.

Margaret Thatcher had this quality in spades; so completely on top of the important things, with unconventional, hard-fought-for and hard-thought-out opinions – and so blissfully banal about the trivia of life. Running her finger along a dusty sill and sighing: ‘A woman just knows.’ Neil Kinnock was feted by then-fashionable bores such as Billy Bragg. Mrs T? Vince Hill and Lulu.

One of the joys of Reform’s embrace of campness is the po-faced way progressives react to it. We saw this back in the day when many of them seemed to blame Have I Got News for You for the rise of Boris Johnson. The progressive middle class cannot take daffy ingenuousness on its own terms; they always sniff some whiff of a plot.

These are people, after all, who genuinely believe that working-class people are one-toothed goons who respond like clapping, honking sea lions to whatever they’ve just seen on television. That’s why soap operas have become strange attempts to meme reality to fit progressive dogma. And, hilariously, progressives often splutter that the right has a nefarious scheme to make a long march through the institutions of light entertainment, masking its true sinister motives. It’s particularly amusing because it is the reverse of the truth. The strange takeover of even the lightweight media by progressives – Lorraine Kelly going all in on trans, Loose Women kneeling for BLM – has hidden the truth about Britain from us.

Aside from Farage, are there any other contemporary contenders for the camp crown in British politics? Starmer is too dismal, Badenoch too grave. Maybe Your Party might swing it? No, there is something too proud and ranty about the Corbyn/Sultana axis. It is banal, true, but it is gruff (although the looming spat between the trans and Islamist wings of the enterprise has much comic potential). In international politics, the king of camp is, of course, Donald Trump. He has leaned into camp without, one senses, remotely understanding it. Which is the campest thing of all. Anyone who was surprised when the MAGA movement adopted the Village People’s ‘Y.M.C.A.’ simply hadn’t been paying close enough attention.

Growing up, I was stewed, steeped, marinated and in fact positively pickled in what we might call the jolly Reform aesthetic. Holiday camps, singalongs, banging knives and forks on the table to the signature tune of Sports Report. But as I matured, I learned to be embarrassed by it, or to view it ironically. (It was a while before I twigged that we were supposed to think the decor of the Trotters’ flat in Only Fools and Horses is funny, for example.) And from there it’s just a tiny step to seeing only the bad of camp, or seeing something sinister in it.

One of the things naughty observers like me enjoy about the current excitement over flag-raising is how it gives conniptions to what we might call the FBPE crowd, the progressives and public-sector panjandrums who have ruled the roost for decades. They see a Union Jack or a flag of St George and get visions of Bavaria in 1933. So, my first thought on seeing Bell & Spurling drop another boisterous hymn to Nigel is not ‘This is fun’ but ‘Won’t this drive Emily Maitlis and Rory Stewart absolutely bananas?’ The class dynamic of British society is laid so unavoidably bare on such occasions, like the gaping innards of a patient on the operating table.

We hear endlessly of ‘our communities’. The word ‘community’ is every politician’s favourite self-righteous epithet. Well, Epping and its Pink Ladies hotel protest is an actual community, which organised spontaneously to take action. The British man and woman has been derogated in a way nobody else can be. Their raising of the flags is simply a way of saying: ‘Hello, remember us?’ Nobody rattled on about Ulsterisation and Balkanisation when the country was awash with Progress Pride or Palestinian flags.

It’s time for the embarrassment at camp displays, which crept up on us in the 1980s and 1990s, to stop. This is a very different time, and different prerogatives prevail. British identity, in all its gaudy glory, must be treasured.

There may be more enlightening cultural experiences, but there is nothing more fun than a good end-of-the-pier show. And yes, the horrible, serious realities of the country’s problems will have to be tackled if and when by Reform, and planning for that really cannot be a pantomime affair. But right now, in these grim times, we need the romping Reform.

quinta-feira, 18 de setembro de 2025

Fotos - Céus

 









Musica - Hier encore (Charles Aznavour)

Grandes músicas! Grandes intérpretes! 




https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6gqF3Tu5Ly4&list=RD6gqF3Tu5Ly4&start_radio=1

Reflection - Decolonising Shakespeare: 'White guilt will destroy the West' – Katharine Birbalsingh

 




https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IR_349fnWA4

Youtube - quiet apocalypse - day one

 


The Spectator - Greta Thunberg should thank Israel for intercepting her Gaza selfie ship

 (personal underlines)



Greta Thunberg should thank Israel for intercepting her Gaza selfie ship

Greta Thunberg was seeking to deliver aid to Gaza (Credit: Israeli MFA)

Once again, the Mediterranean has hosted a familiar theatre of self-satisfied spectacle. This time, however, the curtain has come down swiftly. The latest vessel to set sail in defiance of Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza – the Madleen, a boat bloated with virtue signalling and the vanity of performative compassion – has been intercepted by the Israeli Navy.

The operation was executed peacefully and without casualties by fighters from Fleet 13, Israel’s naval commando forces. The ship is now making its way safely to the port of Ashdod, its dozen passengers – including Greta Thunberg, the climate whinger turned omni-cause moral voice – healthy, unharmed, and provided with sandwiches (individually wrapped in plastic, sorry Greta) and water.

The Israeli Foreign Ministry left no doubt about the farcical nature of this voyage: “There are ways to provide aid to the Gaza Strip – they don’t involve Instagram selfies.”

The Madleen’s cargo, amounting to less than one aid truck, will be transferred to Gaza through genuine humanitarian channels. Meanwhile, more than 1,200 aid trucks have entered Gaza from Israel in the past fortnight alone, and nearly 11 million meals have been distributed directly to civilians through the Gaza Humanitarian Fund.

During their virtue-signalling sailing jolly, one can only hope that Greta and her companions brought something worthwhile to read. They might reflect on the cautionary tale of Vittorio Arrigoni – a story that should linger as a sombre whisper against hubris. In August 2008, Arrigoni arrived in Gaza by boat with the Free Gaza Movement flotilla. During Operation Cast Lead, he became one of the best-known Western voices in Gaza, writing prolifically and immersing himself in the territory’s brutal complexities.

Yet in his zeal to “stay human”, Arrigoni drifted dangerously close to factions linked to Hamas and other Islamist groups – remaining ideologically blind to the jihadist forces brewing in parallel. His was a worldview intoxicated by its own moral purity, one that refused to see the brutal realities of the actors around him. The consequences were fatal. In April 2011, Arrigoni was abducted by the Salafist group Tawhid wal-Jihad, and hanged by those he thought he understood.

Yet even in the aftermath, some refused to confront the truth. His family’s decision to repatriate his body via Egypt – avoiding any cooperation with Israel – betrayed a continued ideological obstinacy. Critics such as Fiamma Nirenstein denounced him as “a fan of political Islamism” and “an enemy of the Jews”. Others labelled him a “terror tourist” and an “ideological tourist” who failed to grasp the lethal indoctrination coursing through the territory he romanticised.

Arrigoni’s death became a grim parable of Western moralism divorced from realism. Thunberg’s voyage risked repeating this same grievous error – albeit on a larger stage. Now it has ended in anti-climax, its intended media provocation neutralised.

Israel’s Defence Minister Israel Katz rightly congratulated the IDF for its swift and safe action to uphold the naval blockade. He has ordered that the flotilla passengers be shown video evidence of the atrocities committed by Hamas on 7 October.

By attempting to breach the blockade, the Madleen’s activists sought not to relieve the suffering of Gazans, but to stage a photogenic tableau for Western media. A few boxes of rice, tampons, and crutches would not change conditions in Gaza. The flotilla’s purpose was theatrical – and dangerous theatre at that.

Israel’s right to enforce its naval blockade, as upheld in the 2011 Palmer Report, remains firmly grounded in international law. Humanitarian aid does and must continue to flow through controlled channels. What the Madleen attempted was not responsible aid, but irresponsible grandstanding.

The vanity of it all is appalling. It makes a mockery both of Israel’s legitimate security concerns and of the Palestinians themselves, whose plight cannot be alleviated by the conspicuous virtue of foreign celebrities. The Palestinians become a passive backdrop, their suffering instrumentalised for a Western morality play, starring the world’s most famous contemporary white saviour.

Had the Madleen succeeded in docking, the activists would have faced a chaotic and volatile landscape in which not all factions share their idealism – nor even basic tolerance for foreign interference. They would have been in everybody’s way, but in nobody’s service.

Arrigoni sailed under the banner of Restiamo umani – “Stay human” – and it remains a noble injunction. But staying human also requires staying wise. Gaza’s tragedy is not ameliorated by empty gestures. It is deepened by them, when they obscure the harsh realities and genuine complexities of war, blockade, and diplomacy.

The Madleen has been stopped. The activists are safe. But the lesson stands: moralism without realism is not virtue, but vanity – and, at times, mortal folly.

The Spectator - J.D. Vance is right about Germany’s civilisational suicide


 

(personal underlines)

J.D. Vance is right about Germany’s civilisational suicide

J.D. Vance (Photo: Getty)

This week, US Vice President J.D. Vance levelled a blistering critique at Europe, accusing it of ‘committing civilisational suicide’, and Germany in particular of bringing about its own demise, saying:

‘If you have a country like Germany, where you have another few million immigrants come in from countries that are totally culturally incompatible with Germany, then it doesn’t matter what I think about Europe… Germany will have killed itself, and I hope they don’t do that, because I love Germany and I want Germany to thrive.’

While some dismissed his remarks as yet another post-Munich Security Conference jab, Vance insisted his concerns for Germany were sincere. And he seems to have a point.

While the US watches these developments from afar, the German mainstream media continues to push the narrative that the country needs 400,000 ‘skilled workers’ annually. This is despite the fact that nearly four million able-bodied people of working age already receive benefits, almost half of whom are non-German citizens. When you include those with German passports who were born overseas, the number rises to around 64 per cent. So, where did it all go wrong for Germany on migration and refugee policy?

It began with the Gastarbeiter (‘guest workers’) invited during the post-war economic boom under Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and his minister for economic affairs (and future Chancellor) Ludwig Erhard. Starting in 1955, Germany recruited labour from Greece, Italy, Spain, and Turkey. What began with 300,000 workers in the 1960s ballooned to 2.6 million by 1973. The introduction of family reunification turned these guests into permanent residents. Although there were efforts to curb immigration and encourage return migration as late as the 1990s, they met with little success. Germany is simply a nicer place to live than Turkey, even if Germans of Turkish origin set off fireworks to celebrate Erdogan’s election victories.

The floodgates were fully thrown open in 2015 by then-Chancellor Angela Merkel, when she allowed Syrian migrants to enter Europe. Millions of asylum seekers and economic migrantsmade their way across Europe with little to no vetting. Even though the Syrian civil war has come to an end, almost none want to return home, and a combination of family reunion and lax borders means that asylum seekers keep coming in large numbers.

In contrast to the Netherlands and Denmark, Germany has not produced a comprehensive recent cost-benefit analysis of migration. No official lifetime cost estimates exist. Yet the consequences are increasingly visible: rising violent crime, public schools where students of migrant backgrounds make up 42 per cent of the pupils (with some schools reaching 90 per cent), cultural fragmentation, and an overburdened welfare and healthcare system. Even Germany’s once-abundant tax revenues are no longer enough. A €172 billion budget shortfall looms, worsened by promises such as a special pension for mothers. Meanwhile, the government is floating the idea of a ‘Boomer-Soli’, a new tax on ‘big pensions’ above €1,000 per month.  

The warning lights are flashing, but the government continues to kick the can down the road. Painful, necessary reforms to the welfare state, pensions, and immigration policy are endlessly postponed or even ignored.

Instead, policymakers debate introducing migrant quotas in public schools, some of which already serve only halal food and have reportedly abandoned Christmas celebrations in favour of mandatory Ramadan events.

Meanwhile, thousands of individuals in Germany have faced lawsuits for sharing memes, voicing criticism, or insulting politicians. Most of these cases were brought by politicians from the left: the Green party, the Free democrats (FDP) and the Social Democratic party (SPD).  In one case, a pensioner was subjected to a police search and later sentenced simply for sharing a meme. A journalist from a right-wing populist publication received a suspended prison sentence and a fine for posting an image of former Interior Minister Nancy Faeser edited so that she was holding a sign that read: ‘I hate freedom of speech’.

Economically, things look equally bleak. After a disastrous trade deal between the EU and the Trump administration, Germany’s once-mighty automotive industry faces another blow amid already collapsing revenues. Even the unions seem more focused on climate activism and class struggle than job security. Well-paid industrial jobs, they hope, will be preserved by the ‘green economy’. Some hope.

After five years without significant economic growth, any rational politician should be deeply alarmed. Instead, Chancellor Friedrich Merz touts vague promises that 61 companies are ready to invest €631 billion in Germany. He seems to hold the misguided view that subsidies alone can salvage what remains of Germany’s crumbling economic model.

It is a sobering reality when the Vice President of a foreign country appears more concerned with Germany’s future and problems than its own political class.

Cartoons - The Spectator

 


Séries - The gold (S1 e S2)









 

Almoços - Alex and Ana

Alex (before hip departure to London) and Ana (neighbour from Joaquim Agostinho's apartment) after lunching in Trafaria (Fragateiro) in 13.09.2025




Livro - Sobre democracias e cultos de morte (Douglas Murray)

Mais um brilhante testemunho de Douglas Murray, desta vez sobre Israel.



 





















domingo, 14 de setembro de 2025

The Spectator - How to ruin a city

 (personal underlines)

How to ruin a city

 Getty Images

Why would you choose to make a city crappy? Plenty of cities don’t have much going for them. But when they do, it takes a certain amount of skill to actively wreck them.

Take London, for instance. Anyone in charge of our capital needed only to maintain it, if not improve it. Yet in almost a decade as mayor, Sadiq Khan has overseen a decline which is obvious to any resident or visitor.

That first sign of rot – the tolerance of minor crime – is everywhere. It might be graffiti on the Tube. Or it might be the fact that it is risky to hold a mobile phone in the street or park a bicycle. Khan’s police aren’t interested in minor crimes such as phone and bicycle theft. And they’re not much interested in major crimes either, such as stabbings.

Yet somehow, it doesn’t matter. Khan was re-elected mayor last year, and this week he went off to Buckingham Palace to become Sir Sadiq.

It’s a similar story with Gavin Newsom in California. He has been governor of America’s most beautiful and prosperous state since 2019, and won re-election in 2022. Before that he was mayor of San Francisco, which should be one of the world’s most beautiful cities. But Newsom has a skill for wrecking everything he touches.

During his mayoralty, San Francisco became ever more dystopian. The rich would descend from unaffordable apartment complexes on to once-desirable streets where the ‘unhoused’ roamed around on crack and exposed themselves furiously. It became perfectly normal to walk down any road and think you must have been transported into a zombie movie, with the undead pushing around trolleys of their possessions. Under Harvey Milk in the 1970s, San Francisco famously cracked down on dog littering. By Newsom’s time as mayor the one thing you could say with confidence was that whenever you saw faeces on the streets, it didn’t come from a dog.

Yet from the time of his election as governor, Newsom tried to roll out his San Francisco model across the state. The policies that had done for San Francisco and then did for Los Angeles include (in no particular order) incentivising illegal migrants to come into the state, ensuring that homelessness is encouraged and home-ownership punished, legalising just about every mind-altering substance known to man and presenting law enforcement as the enemy of the people.

Of course Newsom did all these things under the same glorious cover that Khan wears – that great cloak of left-wing ‘compassion’. Law enforcement is easy to present as lacking in compassion. Making a city a ‘sanctuary’ allows politicians to present themselves as ‘kind’ and filled with ‘empathy’. Saying that illegality cannot be allowed is ‘mean’ and ‘unkind’. Promote mass illegal migration? ‘Healing.’ Try to stop it? ‘Divisive.’

Most of the problems in America, as in Britain and Europe, can be chased down to this asymmetry. If you encourage lawlessness you can be seen to be doing it for all the right reasons. If you encourage following the law you will be portrayed as doing it for all the wrong reasons. Allow people to break the law on a grand scale and there is no punishment. Try to mop up that mess and you will be the bad guy.

So it is with the stand-off between Newsom and Donald Trump. Conservative estimates suggest that between ten and 12 million people entered the US illegally in the four years of Joe Biden’s presidency – almost doubling the number of illegals in the country. Trump has already fulfilled his campaign promise of sealing the southern border, so that the number still breaking into the country via that route is effectively zero. But he is also intent on fulfilling his campaign promise of removing the people already in the country who shouldn’t be. He and his border tsar, Tom Homan, have made it clear that they are prioritising the removal of the more than half a million illegal migrants who are thought to have criminal records.

On a good day the Trump administration has managed to deport around 800 illegals. But you can do the math yourself on how long it would take to complete the task. At the current speed, assuming there are no more legal or physical challenges, Trump and Homan might be able to deport all the illegal migrants with a criminal record by 2027 or 2028. If they want to deport the millions who came in between 2020 and 2024 alone, President Trump would have to remain in office for years, if not decades. Which is not actually a proposal.

The unrest that broke out in Los Angeles this week was not even the result of Homan’s team simply detaining illegal migrants. They were seeking people who were engaged in criminal activity. But the unwiser parts of the American left decided to assume their normal position. They blamed law enforcement for causing the problem and pretended that the resulting violence was peaceful. All this as the public could see footage of masked left-wing activists spitting in the faces of policemen and throwing stones at them.

Now Trump has sent in the National Guard and Marines and told ‘insurrectionists’ that ‘if they spit, we will hit’. Newsom, Hillary Clinton and other Democrat bigwigs are pretending that it is Homan, Trump and law enforcement who are the bad guys, while the people burning cars on the streets and looting the local Apple store are merely reacting to the provocation.

Which brings me back to that central imbalance of our time – in the US as here. Why is the person who caused the mess allowed to be presented in the kindliest light, while the people trying to clean up after them must be portrayed in the crappiest?

Observador - Lisboa: a tragédia como estratégia eleitoral (Seabra Duque)

 (sublinhados meus)


Lisboa: a tragédia como estratégia eleitoral

Para um partido snob como o PS um arrivista como Moedas, que não andou no Colégio Moderno ou na Faculdade de Direito de Lisboa, ganhar a Câmara de Lisboa ao seu príncipe herdeiro foi uma ofensa mortal

1 Desde o desastre com o Ascensor da Glória que tenho evitado escrever sobre o tema, sobretudo sobre a sua vertente política. O que aconteceu parece-me demasiado grave e dramático para ser usado como argumento político. Infelizmente, após dias de campanha absolutamente lamentável contra Carlos Moedas, torna-se impossível a uma pessoa, em boa consciência, não tomar posição sobre o tema. A campanha começou primeiro com os habituais trolls das redes sociais, uma herança da famosa Câmara Corporativa de Sócrates. Mas a vergonha que a oposição a Carlos Moedas demonstrou num primeiro momento (pelos vistos, apenas pelo receio de ficar mal na fotografia) rapidamente se dissipou.

E, infelizmente, vários meios de comunicação social parecem mais interessados em passar a narrativa da aliança de esquerda à Câmara de Lisboa do que em informar. Logo no dia foram vários os meios de comunicação que reproduziram a notícia da Página 1, uma mistura de teorias da conspiração com jornalismo de vingança, de que a Carris teria deixado caducar o contrato de manutenção dos ascensores de Lisboa, o que era mentira. Ainda nesse dia, também correu a notícia de que teria a actual administração da Carris a contratar e a externalizar a manutenção do ascensor. Mentira. Afinal, não tinha sido esta administração a decidir a externalização, mas tinha sido ela a escolher a actual empresa. Mentira. Tudo isto foi circulando nas redes sociais, partilhado pelas páginas dos habituais defensores do PS e seus aliados, usado como argumento por comentadores. Tudo falso, mas tudo serviu para atacar o actual presidente da Câmara.

Infelizmente, mesmo depois do frenesim dos primeiros instantes, onde o frenesim de querer informar se cruzou com a revolta com a tragédia, a campanha rasteira contra Carlos Moedas não só não serenou, como aumentou de tom.

Primeiro começou com um vídeo onde o presidente da Câmara dizia que o seu antecessor se devia demitir por causa do Russiagate. Logo os spin doctors de esquerda deram o tom: Moedas estava refém das suas palavras, e a teoria espalhou-se aos quatro ventos.

Aparentemente é indiferente o facto de no primeiro caso ter havido um erro comprovado do Gabinete de Apoio ao Presidente da Câmara, órgão que trabalha, tal como o nome diz, na dependência do Presidente da Câmara, e no segundo caso, não se saber sequer se houve algum erro de uma empresa pública, com autonomia financeira e administrativa, cujo accionista é a Câmara Municipal de Lisboa. Mas pelos vistos, para os socialistas e seus aliados, assim como para boa parte dos comentadores e jornalistas, a responsabilidade de um político sobre as acções dos seus subordinados directos é igual à responsabilidade deste sobre uma empresa que não dirige! E com base nesta mentira, estão há dias a atacar Carlos Moedas.

O novo “escândalo” é o facto de o presidente da Câmara, numa entrevista, ter falado de Jorge Coelho. Ora, Carlos Moedas respondeu a uma pergunta onde foi comparado a Jorge Coelho, falou dele de forma respeitosa, mas relembrou o facto (amplamente documentado, até em vídeo) de que já havia informação anterior de que havia problemas com a ponte. Não foi Carlos Moedas que utilizou a memória de Jorge Coelho, foi todos aqueles que o quiseram dar como exemplo para o atacar. E escolheram-no precisamente a ele porque de facto era o único exemplo que tinham disponível. Relembremos que não houve demissões depois de Pedrógão, mesmo tendo havido clara culpa do governo, não houve demissões depois de terem morrido duas pessoas num desastre de comboio, não houve demissões depois de o carro em que Eduardo Cabrita circulava em excesso de velocidade ter atropelado mortalmente um homem. Infelizmente, o único socialista honrado que havia para citar era de facto Jorge Coelho.

E Moedas não o insultou nem o desmereceu, vincou que ele tinha sido corajoso, mas não podia deixar de dizer o que era evidente: era público que aquela ponte tinha problemas, não havia qualquer sinal de que houvesse qualquer problema com o Ascensor da Glória. Por isso a sonsice de quem evoca Jorge Coelho para atacar Moedas, para depois ficar escandalizado por Moedas se defender, está perto do nível de quem usa as mortes no Ascensor da Glória para fazer campanha eleitoral.

2 Este tipo de ataques a Carlos Moedas não me espanta, tem sido assim durante quatro anos. O Partido Socialista nunca levou a bem que este tivesse derrotado o delfim de António Costa e interrompido, de forma dramática, a linha de sucessão tão bem traçada pelo antigo secretário-geral. Para um partido tão snob como o PS, um arrivista como Moedas, que não andou no Colégio Moderno, nem na Faculdade de Direito de Lisboa, nem sequer é filho de um qualquer industrial local, não andou por lojas nem parece gostar de aventais, ganhar a Câmara de Lisboa ao seu príncipe herdeiro foi uma ofensa mortal.

A juntar-se a isto, comentadores e jornalistas também nunca levaram a bem que alguém saído de Beja, que construiu uma carreira a pulso, que teve sucesso político e profissional sem ter trocado informações com eles no Pabe, sem lhes ter pago um copo no Snob, ou trocado dois dedos de conversa no Lux, contrariasse as suas sentenças e ganhasse as eleições.

Mas seria de esperar que diante de uma tragédia como a do Ascensor da Glória, deixassem por um momento o ódio a Carlos Moedas de lado. Mas infelizmente não aconteceu. Enquanto Moedas estava no local, junto dos bombeiros, dos socorristas e dos polícias, enquanto consolava famílias, tomava decisões importantes, os socialistas e seus camaradas afinavam a estratégia para utilizar os mortos como arma eleitoral.

E aqui reside a diferença fundamental entre Carlos Moedas e os seus adversários. Para a esquerda o centro da política é a narrativa, para Moedas o centro da política é trabalhar para a cidade. Por isso Medina anunciava centros de saúde que nunca construiu e Moedas construiu 5 e está a construir mais 4. Medina prometeu creches e escolas que nunca fez, e Moedas fez 19 e está a fazer mais 9. Medina falava da habitação, Moedas fez o maior investimento de sempre em habitação, entregou mais 2700 (das quais 1800 estavam abandonadas por anos de incúria socialista) e apoiou mais de 1200 famílias a pagarem a renda. Medina lançou a obra do Túnel de Drenagem, que nunca começou, Moedas arrancou com a obra.

Esta tragédia só veio mostrar mais uma vez o que já era evidente: os socialistas, assim como muitos comentadores e jornalistas, preferem um presidente de Câmara que viva para a narrativa, que nunca saia da televisão, que frequente todos os salões dourados. Felizmente Moedas prefere trabalhar, estar junto dos lisboetas e frequentar as associações culturais e as instituições sociais. Dia 12 caberá aos lisboetas escolher o que preferem.

Jurista